Delhi University Entrance Test (DUET) 2020 Previous Year Question Paper With Answer Key
DU MPhil Phd in Sociology
Topic: SOCIO MPHIL S2 P1
1) Answer the question
On the outbreak of the first world war, the combatant strength of the Indian army, including reserves, was 1,94,000 Indian
ranks; enlistment during the period of war for all branches of the services amounted to 7,91,000 making a total combatant
population of 9,85,000. Of this number, 5,52,000 were sent overseas. As for noncombatants, the prewar strength was
45,000; an additional 4,27,000 were enrolled during the war; and 3,91,000 were sent overseas. The total Indian personnel
was thus around 14,57,000 of whom 9,43,000 served overseas. Casualties in war officially stated amounted to 1,06,594
which excluded the 36,696 deaths from all the other causes such as lack of medical help. The number of animals sent
overseas was 1,75,000. No department was more closely connected with the war, or rendered more cooperation than the
railway department. The great increase in military traffic produced by the war synchronised with the serious shortage of
shipping, and thus threw open to the Indian railways a volume of traffic, normally seaborne, which they were never
designed to carry. The resources of the Royal Indian Marine were similarly taxed to the utmost. The inauguration of
extensive schemes of irrigation and agricultural development in Mesopotamia made heavy additional demands on India
during the years and the extension of railway in the theatre of war operations continued to make serious inroads on
available rolling stock and material. During the war, 1,855 miles of railway track, 229 locomotives and 5,989 vehicles were
sent out of India.1 These officially stated figures and statistics are indicative of the nature and quantum of active
participation of the Indian troops during the first world war and which was deployed in the following theatres of war:
France, East Africa, Egypt, and most importantly in Mesopotamia. The Mesopotamia campaign was primarily carried out by
debiting the expenditure to the Indian treasury and was exclusively planned and executed by the British Indian military
thinktank of the army department situated at Shimla. As the war reached a critical phase there was a constant as well as
steadily increasing demand for `native' recruitment to the Indian army, for deployment in all the above mentioned theatres
of war. The Montague Declaration of August 20, 1917 later the (MontagueChelmsford Reforms) which committed the
administration explicitly to the policy of preparing India for responsible government within the empire visavis the Indian
Home Rulers' demand for `Swarajya', was in a way aimed at soliciting Indian cooperation for war.
Source: Aravind Ganachari, First World War: Purchasing Indian Loyalties. EPW, February 19, 2005
The first world war led to massive recruitments to the Indian army, taking combatants and noncombatants combined
[Question ID = 7462]
1. The proportion entering doubled
[Option ID = 29842]
2. The proportion enlisting during war was nearly 300% of the numbers before
[Option ID = 29843]
3. The proportion increased some 600%
[Option ID = 29844]
4. None of these
[Option ID = 29845]
Correct Answer :
The proportion increased some 600%
[Option ID = 29844]
2) Answer the question
On the outbreak of the first world war, the combatant strength of the Indian army, including reserves, was 1,94,000 Indian
ranks; enlistment during the period of war for all branches of the services amounted to 7,91,000 making a total combatant
population of 9,85,000. Of this number, 5,52,000 were sent overseas. As for noncombatants, the prewar strength was
45,000; an additional 4,27,000 were enrolled during the war; and 3,91,000 were sent overseas. The total Indian personnel
was thus around 14,57,000 of whom 9,43,000 served overseas. Casualties in war officially stated amounted to 1,06,594
which excluded the 36,696 deaths from all the other causes such as lack of medical help. The number of animals sent
overseas was 1,75,000. No department was more closely connected with the war, or rendered more cooperation than the
railway department. The great increase in military traffic produced by the war synchronised with the serious shortage of
shipping, and thus threw open to the Indian railways a volume of traffic, normally seaborne, which they were never
designed to carry. The resources of the Royal Indian Marine were similarly taxed to the utmost. The inauguration of
extensive schemes of irrigation and agricultural development in Mesopotamia made heavy additional demands on India
during the years and the extension of railway in the theatre of war operations continued to make serious inroads on
available rolling stock and material. During the war, 1,855 miles of railway track, 229 locomotives and 5,989 vehicles were
sent out of India.1 These officially stated figures and statistics are indicative of the nature and quantum of active
participation of the Indian troops during the first world war and which was deployed in the following theatres of war:
France, East Africa, Egypt, and most importantly in Mesopotamia. The Mesopotamia campaign was primarily carried out by
debiting the expenditure to the Indian treasury and was exclusively planned and executed by the British Indian military
thinktank of the army department situated at Shimla. As the war reached a critical phase there was a constant as well as
steadily increasing demand for `native' recruitment to the Indian army, for deployment in all the above mentioned theatres
of war. The Montague Declaration of August 20, 1917 later the (MontagueChelmsford Reforms) which committed the
administration explicitly to the policy of preparing India for responsible government within the empire visavis the Indian
Home Rulers' demand for `Swarajya', was in a way aimed at soliciting Indian cooperation for war.
Source: Aravind Ganachari, First World War: Purchasing Indian Loyalties. EPW, February 19, 2005
Of the combatants
[Question ID = 7463]
1. Over 50% were sent overseas
[Option ID = 29846]
2. Less than 50% were sent overseas
[Option ID = 29847]
3. More than 40% but less than 50% were sent overseas
[Option ID = 29848]
4. More than 50% but less than 75% were sent overseas
[Option ID = 29849]
Correct Answer :
Over 50% were sent overseas
[Option ID = 29846]
3) Answer the question
On the outbreak of the first world war, the combatant strength of the Indian army, including reserves, was 1,94,000 Indian
ranks; enlistment during the period of war for all branches of the services amounted to 7,91,000 making a total combatant
population of 9,85,000. Of this number, 5,52,000 were sent overseas. As for noncombatants, the prewar strength was
45,000; an additional 4,27,000 were enrolled during the war; and 3,91,000 were sent overseas. The total Indian personnel
was thus around 14,57,000 of whom 9,43,000 served overseas. Casualties in war officially stated amounted to 1,06,594
which excluded the 36,696 deaths from all the other causes such as lack of medical help. The number of animals sent
overseas was 1,75,000. No department was more closely connected with the war, or rendered more cooperation than the
railway department. The great increase in military traffic produced by the war synchronised with the serious shortage of
shipping, and thus threw open to the Indian railways a volume of traffic, normally seaborne, which they were never
designed to carry. The resources of the Royal Indian Marine were similarly taxed to the utmost. The inauguration of
extensive schemes of irrigation and agricultural development in Mesopotamia made heavy additional demands on India
during the years and the extension of railway in the theatre of war operations continued to make serious inroads on
available rolling stock and material. During the war, 1,855 miles of railway track, 229 locomotives and 5,989 vehicles were
sent out of India.1 These officially stated figures and statistics are indicative of the nature and quantum of active
participation of the Indian troops during the first world war and which was deployed in the following theatres of war:
France, East Africa, Egypt, and most importantly in Mesopotamia. The Mesopotamia campaign was primarily carried out by
debiting the expenditure to the Indian treasury and was exclusively planned and executed by the British Indian military
thinktank of the army department situated at Shimla. As the war reached a critical phase there was a constant as well as
steadily increasing demand for `native' recruitment to the Indian army, for deployment in all the above mentioned theatres
of war. The Montague Declaration of August 20, 1917 later the (MontagueChelmsford Reforms) which committed the
administration explicitly to the policy of preparing India for responsible government within the empire visavis the Indian
Home Rulers' demand for `Swarajya', was in a way aimed at soliciting Indian cooperation for war.
Source: Aravind Ganachari, First World War: Purchasing Indian Loyalties. EPW, February 19, 2005
More Indian animals than Indian soldiers died in WWI
[Question ID = 7464]
1. This statement is true
[Option ID = 29850]
2. This statement is false
[Option ID = 29851]
3. We have no way of knowing from this passage
[Option ID = 29852]
4. No account of animals were kept
[Option ID = 29853]
Correct Answer :
We have no way of knowing from this passage
[Option ID = 29852]
4) Answer the question
On the outbreak of the first world war, the combatant strength of the Indian army, including reserves, was 1,94,000 Indian
ranks; enlistment during the period of war for all branches of the services amounted to 7,91,000 making a total combatant
population of 9,85,000. Of this number, 5,52,000 were sent overseas. As for noncombatants, the prewar strength was
45,000; an additional 4,27,000 were enrolled during the war; and 3,91,000 were sent overseas. The total Indian personnel
was thus around 14,57,000 of whom 9,43,000 served overseas. Casualties in war officially stated amounted to 1,06,594
which excluded the 36,696 deaths from all the other causes such as lack of medical help. The number of animals sent
overseas was 1,75,000. No department was more closely connected with the war, or rendered more cooperation than the
railway department. The great increase in military traffic produced by the war synchronised with the serious shortage of
shipping, and thus threw open to the Indian railways a volume of traffic, normally seaborne, which they were never
designed to carry. The resources of the Royal Indian Marine were similarly taxed to the utmost. The inauguration of
extensive schemes of irrigation and agricultural development in Mesopotamia made heavy additional demands on India
during the years and the extension of railway in the theatre of war operations continued to make serious inroads on
available rolling stock and material. During the war, 1,855 miles of railway track, 229 locomotives and 5,989 vehicles were
sent out of India.1 These officially stated figures and statistics are indicative of the nature and quantum of active
participation of the Indian troops during the first world war and which was deployed in the following theatres of war:
France, East Africa, Egypt, and most importantly in Mesopotamia. The Mesopotamia campaign was primarily carried out by
debiting the expenditure to the Indian treasury and was exclusively planned and executed by the British Indian military
thinktank of the army department situated at Shimla. As the war reached a critical phase there was a constant as well as
steadily increasing demand for `native' recruitment to the Indian army, for deployment in all the above mentioned theatres
of war. The Montague Declaration of August 20, 1917 later the (MontagueChelmsford Reforms) which committed the
administration explicitly to the policy of preparing India for responsible government within the empire visavis the Indian
Home Rulers' demand for `Swarajya', was in a way aimed at soliciting Indian cooperation for war.
Source: Aravind Ganachari, First World War: Purchasing Indian Loyalties. EPW, February 19, 2005
Apart from sending men and animals, the greatest resources exported mentioned in the passage pertain to
[Question ID = 7465]
1. Railway stock ? locomotives, tracks, vehicles
[Option ID = 29854]
2. Shipping stock ? ships, engines and marines
[Option ID = 29855]
3. Think tank expertise and money to finance the war
[Option ID = 29856]
4. We have no way of comparing since all figures are not given
[Option ID = 29857]
Correct Answer :
We have no way of comparing since all figures are not given
[Option ID = 29857]
5) Answer the question
On the outbreak of the first world war, the combatant strength of the Indian army, including reserves, was 1,94,000 Indian
ranks; enlistment during the period of war for all branches of the services amounted to 7,91,000 making a total combatant
population of 9,85,000. Of this number, 5,52,000 were sent overseas. As for noncombatants, the prewar strength was
45,000; an additional 4,27,000 were enrolled during the war; and 3,91,000 were sent overseas. The total Indian personnel
was thus around 14,57,000 of whom 9,43,000 served overseas. Casualties in war officially stated amounted to 1,06,594
which excluded the 36,696 deaths from all the other causes such as lack of medical help. The number of animals sent
overseas was 1,75,000. No department was more closely connected with the war, or rendered more cooperation than the
railway department. The great increase in military traffic produced by the war synchronised with the serious shortage of
shipping, and thus threw open to the Indian railways a volume of traffic, normally seaborne, which they were never
designed to carry. The resources of the Royal Indian Marine were similarly taxed to the utmost. The inauguration of
extensive schemes of irrigation and agricultural development in Mesopotamia made heavy additional demands on India
during the years and the extension of railway in the theatre of war operations continued to make serious inroads on
available rolling stock and material. During the war, 1,855 miles of railway track, 229 locomotives and 5,989 vehicles were
sent out of India.1 These officially stated figures and statistics are indicative of the nature and quantum of active
participation of the Indian troops during the first world war and which was deployed in the following theatres of war:
France, East Africa, Egypt, and most importantly in Mesopotamia. The Mesopotamia campaign was primarily carried out by
debiting the expenditure to the Indian treasury and was exclusively planned and executed by the British Indian military
thinktank of the army department situated at Shimla. As the war reached a critical phase there was a constant as well as
steadily increasing demand for `native' recruitment to the Indian army, for deployment in all the above mentioned theatres
of war. The Montague Declaration of August 20, 1917 later the (MontagueChelmsford Reforms) which committed the
administration explicitly to the policy of preparing India for responsible government within the empire visavis the Indian
Home Rulers' demand for `Swarajya', was in a way aimed at soliciting Indian cooperation for war.
Source: Aravind Ganachari, First World War: Purchasing Indian Loyalties. EPW, February 19, 2005
The Montague Chelmsford reforms were aimed at
[Question ID = 7466]
1. (1) Providing Swaraj to India
[Option ID = 29858]
2. (2) Enlisting Indian support for WW I
[Option ID = 29859]
3. (3) Providing `responsible government' to India
[Option ID = 29860]
4. (4) 2 and 3
[Option ID = 29861]
Correct Answer :
(4) 2 and 3
[Option ID = 29861]
Topic: SOCIO MPHIL S2 P2
1) Answer the question
The Punjabi transnational experience injects a distinct flavour to Indian transnationalism. With a history of sustained
migration for more than two centuries beginning primarily during colonial rule in India, the entry into transnational life from
Punjab has been enormous. During three decades after the Second World War, Punjabis began to form their own political,
cultural and religious associations (in the UK). In the early days, due to the small size of the Punjabi communities, the lack
of suitable accommodation and the general hostility of municipal planning authorities, community leaders rented out local
schools or community halls at weekends. Later, as planning permission became easier to obtain, and as the communities
grew in influence and affluence, they often purchased and adapted existing buildings such as unused warehouses, cinemas
or churches or even terraced houses, for use as places of worship. These premises had multiple functions beside the
important religious one. Very quickly, these multipurpose places of worship proliferated, serving a growing population and
also reflecting the diversity within the Punjabi community. Two functions fulfilled by these religious places are particularly
noteworthy. The first was their role in the transmission of cultural heritage. Religious sites also became places where the
`politics of homeland' could be debated. Other organisations such as those representing the overseas branches of the
Congress Party or the Shiromani Akali Dal (a proSikh political party from Punjab) publicized issues related to self
determination for Sikhs back home or other India related issues.
Shinder Thandi, Punjabi Migration, Settlement and Experience in the UK, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015
Based on the image and the passage above, which of the following statements is correct?
[Question ID = 7468]
1. Punjabi transnationalism means the movement of people into Punjab
[Option ID = 29866]
2. Punjabi transnationalism means the settlements of Punjabis across the globe
[Option ID = 29867]
3. Punjabi transnationalism means the transnational migration of Sikhs
[Option ID = 29868]
4. The movement of Punjabi migrants across transnational borders
[Option ID = 29869]
Correct Answer :
Punjabi transnationalism means the settlements of Punjabis across the globe
[Option ID = 29867]
2) Answer the question
The Punjabi transnational experience injects a distinct flavour to Indian transnationalism. With a history of sustained
migration for more than two centuries beginning primarily during colonial rule in India, the entry into transnational life from
Punjab has been enormous. During three decades after the Second World War, Punjabis began to form their own political,
cultural and religious associations (in the UK). In the early days, due to the small size of the Punjabi communities, the lack
of suitable accommodation and the general hostility of municipal planning authorities, community leaders rented out local
schools or community halls at weekends. Later, as planning permission became easier to obtain, and as the communities
grew in influence and affluence, they often purchased and adapted existing buildings such as unused warehouses, cinemas
or churches or even terraced houses, for use as places of worship. These premises had multiple functions beside the
important religious one. Very quickly, these multipurpose places of worship proliferated, serving a growing population and
also reflecting the diversity within the Punjabi community. Two functions fulfilled by these religious places are particularly
noteworthy. The first was their role in the transmission of cultural heritage. Religious sites also became places where the
`politics of homeland' could be debated. Other organisations such as those representing the overseas branches of the
Congress Party or the Shiromani Akali Dal (a proSikh political party from Punjab) publicized issues related to self
determination for Sikhs back home or other India related issues.
Shinder Thandi, Punjabi Migration, Settlement and Experience in the UK, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015
Based on the passage and the image above, which of the following statements best describes migrant ritual practice?
[Question ID = 7469]
1. Punjabi migrants merged their own life cycle rituals with the rituals of their host country
[Option ID = 29870]
2. Punjabi migrants adapted their own life cycle rituals to suit the rituals of the host country
[Option ID = 29871]
3. Punjabi migrants reinvented the use of existing ritual spaces to conduct their own life cycle rituals
[Option ID = 29872]
4. Punjabi migrants went back to their homelands to conduct their important life cycle rituals
[Option ID = 29873]
Correct Answer :
Punjabi migrants reinvented the use of existing ritual spaces to conduct their own life cycle rituals
[Option ID = 29872]
3) Answer the question
The Punjabi transnational experience injects a distinct flavour to Indian transnationalism. With a history of sustained
migration for more than two centuries beginning primarily during colonial rule in India, the entry into transnational life from
Punjab has been enormous. During three decades after the Second World War, Punjabis began to form their own political,
cultural and religious associations (in the UK). In the early days, due to the small size of the Punjabi communities, the lack
of suitable accommodation and the general hostility of municipal planning authorities, community leaders rented out local
schools or community halls at weekends. Later, as planning permission became easier to obtain, and as the communities
grew in influence and affluence, they often purchased and adapted existing buildings such as unused warehouses, cinemas
or churches or even terraced houses, for use as places of worship. These premises had multiple functions beside the
important religious one. Very quickly, these multipurpose places of worship proliferated, serving a growing population and
also reflecting the diversity within the Punjabi community. Two functions fulfilled by these religious places are particularly
noteworthy. The first was their role in the transmission of cultural heritage. Religious sites also became places where the
`politics of homeland' could be debated. Other organisations such as those representing the overseas branches of the
Congress Party or the Shiromani Akali Dal (a proSikh political party from Punjab) publicized issues related to self
determination for Sikhs back home or other India related issues.
Shinder Thandi, Punjabi Migration, Settlement and Experience in the UK, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015
What primarily prevented migrants from practicing their rituals and religion?
[Question ID = 7470]
1. Urban municipalities restricted the performance of alien rituals
[Option ID = 29874]
2. Rivalry within the Punjabi community curtailed the performance of rituals
[Option ID = 29875]
3. Migrants could not find suitable space to perform their rituals
[Option ID = 29876]
4. Urban municipalities did not permit places of worship in neighbourhoods
[Option ID = 29877]
Correct Answer :
Urban municipalities did not permit places of worship in neighbourhoods
[Option ID = 29877]
4) Answer the question
The Punjabi transnational experience injects a distinct flavour to Indian transnationalism. With a history of sustained
migration for more than two centuries beginning primarily during colonial rule in India, the entry into transnational life from
Punjab has been enormous. During three decades after the Second World War, Punjabis began to form their own political,
cultural and religious associations (in the UK). In the early days, due to the small size of the Punjabi communities, the lack
of suitable accommodation and the general hostility of municipal planning authorities, community leaders rented out local
schools or community halls at weekends. Later, as planning permission became easier to obtain, and as the communities
grew in influence and affluence, they often purchased and adapted existing buildings such as unused warehouses, cinemas
or churches or even terraced houses, for use as places of worship. These premises had multiple functions beside the
important religious one. Very quickly, these multipurpose places of worship proliferated, serving a growing population and
also reflecting the diversity within the Punjabi community. Two functions fulfilled by these religious places are particularly
noteworthy. The first was their role in the transmission of cultural heritage. Religious sites also became places where the
`politics of homeland' could be debated. Other organisations such as those representing the overseas branches of the
Congress Party or the Shiromani Akali Dal (a proSikh political party from Punjab) publicized issues related to self
determination for Sikhs back home or other India related issues.
Shinder Thandi, Punjabi Migration, Settlement and Experience in the UK, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015
What kinds of relationships did migrants maintain with India?
[Question ID = 7471]
1. Migrants were involved with Indian politics
[Option ID = 29878]
2. Migrants wanted to go back to India and settle down
[Option ID = 29879]
3. Migrants turned their backs on India and its politics
[Option ID = 29880]
4. Migrants wanted to convert to the life style of their host countries
[Option ID = 29881]
Correct Answer :
Migrants were involved with Indian politics
[Option ID = 29878]
5) Answer the question
The Punjabi transnational experience injects a distinct flavour to Indian transnationalism. With a history of sustained
migration for more than two centuries beginning primarily during colonial rule in India, the entry into transnational life from
Punjab has been enormous. During three decades after the Second World War, Punjabis began to form their own political,
cultural and religious associations (in the UK). In the early days, due to the small size of the Punjabi communities, the lack
of suitable accommodation and the general hostility of municipal planning authorities, community leaders rented out local
schools or community halls at weekends. Later, as planning permission became easier to obtain, and as the communities
grew in influence and affluence, they often purchased and adapted existing buildings such as unused warehouses, cinemas
or churches or even terraced houses, for use as places of worship. These premises had multiple functions beside the
important religious one. Very quickly, these multipurpose places of worship proliferated, serving a growing population and
also reflecting the diversity within the Punjabi community. Two functions fulfilled by these religious places are particularly
noteworthy. The first was their role in the transmission of cultural heritage. Religious sites also became places where the
`politics of homeland' could be debated. Other organisations such as those representing the overseas branches of the
Congress Party or the Shiromani Akali Dal (a proSikh political party from Punjab) publicized issues related to self
determination for Sikhs back home or other India related issues.
Shinder Thandi, Punjabi Migration, Settlement and Experience in the UK, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015
What importance did places of worship play in migrant life?
[Question ID = 7472]
1. Places of worship enabled migrants to retain caste and religious distinctions
[Option ID = 29882]
2. Places of worship allowed migrants to convert to new religions
[Option ID = 29883]
3. Places of worship became centres to pacify acrimonious political divisions
[Option ID = 29884]
4. Places of worship allowed migrants to remember their homeland cultures
[Option ID = 29885]
Correct Answer :
Places of worship allowed migrants to remember their homeland cultures
[Option ID = 29885]
Topic: SOCIO MPHIL S2 P3
1) Answer the question
Performing straightness entails rigid selfdiscipline. It is a state of monotony, repetition, and predictability. It enshrines
those who compete in violent sports as heroes, while it marginalizes those who write books other than thrillers or romances
(the books one can find in any airport in the world). Straight people play golf, aspire to be upwardly mobile, and are never
satisfied with the material possessions they have; they always want more, and they feel that they are entitled to more by
their sexual orientation and corporeal selfgovernment. Straight women must be interested in children and must obey the
call to become mothers, a call that is endlessly celebrated in mainstream cinema. They must return the gazes of men with
appreciation and availability; they must make allowances for the behavioral quirks of their masculine opposites, mothering
them, encouraging them, and providing sexual satisfaction on demand. Straightness is work. Straightness wears a tie or a
dress. Men must have deep voices, must not be interested in art, cooking, music, sewing, or reading, all seen as
traditionally feminine pursuits. Straight men must always make aggressive and suggestive comments to and/or about women,
who are expected to view this attention as both expected and desired. Straight men objectify women; straight women
expect them to do it. Straight women, for their part, must be ashamed of their own sexuality and attractiveness, using it
only for procreation and not for pleasure, but they must at all costs maintain their availability and present themselves to the
world in a highly ritualized form of body display: "I'm putting on my face." Straight women aren't supposed to be bold or
seductive, unless it's in a porn film; or in a noir film, in which case they will be punished for their sexual aggression; or in
an action film, in which case they may fight another woman and occasionally even a man--in self defense-- but, ultimately,
they must allow themselves to be extricated from real danger by the film's putative hero. Straight girls must giggle and use
high voices. Straight boys may not express interest in straight girls until puberty, and then only in a highly prescribed
fashion, reinforced by school dances, parking lot makeout sessions, and family celebrations. Only "bad" straight girls and
women embrace their sexuality; "good" straight women repress their carnal desires. Straight girls and women must prefer
to socialize exclusively with other straight females; the same holds true of their male counterparts. Straight couples must
bond with other straight couples to survive within the community... [Dixon, Wheeler Winston. 2003. Straight: Construction
of Heterosexuality in the Cinema. Albany: State University of New York Press. P: 89].
Which among the sentence is true for performing straightness?
[Question ID = 7474]
1. It is a state of monotony, repetition, and predictability
[Option ID = 29890]
2. It entails rigid selfdiscipline.
[Option ID = 29891]
3. Performing straightness needs upwardly mobility.
[Option ID = 29892]
4. All of these
[Option ID = 29893]
Correct Answer :
All of these
[Option ID = 29893]
2) Answer the question
Performing straightness entails rigid selfdiscipline. It is a state of monotony, repetition, and predictability. It enshrines
those who compete in violent sports as heroes, while it marginalizes those who write books other than thrillers or romances
(the books one can find in any airport in the world). Straight people play golf, aspire to be upwardly mobile, and are never
satisfied with the material possessions they have; they always want more, and they feel that they are entitled to more by
their sexual orientation and corporeal selfgovernment. Straight women must be interested in children and must obey the
call to become mothers, a call that is endlessly celebrated in mainstream cinema. They must return the gazes of men with
appreciation and availability; they must make allowances for the behavioral quirks of their masculine opposites, mothering
them, encouraging them, and providing sexual satisfaction on demand. Straightness is work. Straightness wears a tie or a
dress. Men must have deep voices, must not be interested in art, cooking, music, sewing, or reading, all seen as
traditionally feminine pursuits. Straight men must always make aggressive and suggestive comments to and/or about women,
who are expected to view this attention as both expected and desired. Straight men objectify women; straight women
expect them to do it. Straight women, for their part, must be ashamed of their own sexuality and attractiveness, using it
only for procreation and not for pleasure, but they must at all costs maintain their availability and present themselves to the
world in a highly ritualized form of body display: "I'm putting on my face." Straight women aren't supposed to be bold or
seductive, unless it's in a porn film; or in a noir film, in which case they will be punished for their sexual aggression; or in
an action film, in which case they may fight another woman and occasionally even a man--in self defense-- but, ultimately,
they must allow themselves to be extricated from real danger by the film's putative hero. Straight girls must giggle and use
high voices. Straight boys may not express interest in straight girls until puberty, and then only in a highly prescribed
fashion, reinforced by school dances, parking lot makeout sessions, and family celebrations. Only "bad" straight girls and
women embrace their sexuality; "good" straight women repress their carnal desires. Straight girls and women must prefer
to socialize exclusively with other straight females; the same holds true of their male counterparts. Straight couples must
bond with other straight couples to survive within the community... [Dixon, Wheeler Winston. 2003. Straight: Construction
of Heterosexuality in the Cinema. Albany: State University of New York Press. P: 89].
Which one is true for straight men?
[Question ID = 7475]
1. Straight men aren't supposed to be bold or seductive
[Option ID = 29894]
2. Straight men should never be satisfied with the material possessions they have; they always aspire for more.
[Option ID = 29895]
3. They must return the gazes of women with appreciation and availability
[Option ID = 29896]
4. They must return the gazes of women with appreciation and availability
[Option ID = 29897]
Correct Answer :
Straight men should never be satisfied with the material possessions they have; they always aspire for more.
[Option ID = 29895]
3) Answer the question
Performing straightness entails rigid selfdiscipline. It is a state of monotony, repetition, and predictability. It enshrines
those who compete in violent sports as heroes, while it marginalizes those who write books other than thrillers or romances
(the books one can find in any airport in the world). Straight people play golf, aspire to be upwardly mobile, and are never
satisfied with the material possessions they have; they always want more, and they feel that they are entitled to more by
their sexual orientation and corporeal selfgovernment. Straight women must be interested in children and must obey the
call to become mothers, a call that is endlessly celebrated in mainstream cinema. They must return the gazes of men with
appreciation and availability; they must make allowances for the behavioral quirks of their masculine opposites, mothering
them, encouraging them, and providing sexual satisfaction on demand. Straightness is work. Straightness wears a tie or a
dress. Men must have deep voices, must not be interested in art, cooking, music, sewing, or reading, all seen as
traditionally feminine pursuits. Straight men must always make aggressive and suggestive comments to and/or about women,
who are expected to view this attention as both expected and desired. Straight men objectify women; straight women
expect them to do it. Straight women, for their part, must be ashamed of their own sexuality and attractiveness, using it
only for procreation and not for pleasure, but they must at all costs maintain their availability and present themselves to the
world in a highly ritualized form of body display: "I'm putting on my face." Straight women aren't supposed to be bold or
seductive, unless it's in a porn film; or in a noir film, in which case they will be punished for their sexual aggression; or in
an action film, in which case they may fight another woman and occasionally even a man--in self defense-- but, ultimately,
they must allow themselves to be extricated from real danger by the film's putative hero. Straight girls must giggle and use
high voices. Straight boys may not express interest in straight girls until puberty, and then only in a highly prescribed
fashion, reinforced by school dances, parking lot makeout sessions, and family celebrations. Only "bad" straight girls and
women embrace their sexuality; "good" straight women repress their carnal desires. Straight girls and women must prefer
to socialize exclusively with other straight females; the same holds true of their male counterparts. Straight couples must
bond with other straight couples to survive within the community... [Dixon, Wheeler Winston. 2003. Straight: Construction
of Heterosexuality in the Cinema. Albany: State University of New York Press. P: 89].
Which one is true for straight women?
[Question ID = 7476]
1. Straight women must not be interested in art, cooking, music, sewing, or reading
[Option ID = 29898]
2. Straight women aren't supposed to be bold or seductive
[Option ID = 29899]
3. Straight women should express their carnal desires.
[Option ID = 29900]
4. Straight women must always make aggressive and suggestive comments to and/or about men, who are expected to view this attention as both
expected and desired.
[Option ID = 29901]
Correct Answer :
Straight women aren't supposed to be bold or seductive
[Option ID = 29899]
4) Answer the question
Performing straightness entails rigid selfdiscipline. It is a state of monotony, repetition, and predictability. It enshrines
those who compete in violent sports as heroes, while it marginalizes those who write books other than thrillers or romances
(the books one can find in any airport in the world). Straight people play golf, aspire to be upwardly mobile, and are never
satisfied with the material possessions they have; they always want more, and they feel that they are entitled to more by
their sexual orientation and corporeal selfgovernment. Straight women must be interested in children and must obey the
call to become mothers, a call that is endlessly celebrated in mainstream cinema. They must return the gazes of men with
appreciation and availability; they must make allowances for the behavioral quirks of their masculine opposites, mothering
them, encouraging them, and providing sexual satisfaction on demand. Straightness is work. Straightness wears a tie or a
dress. Men must have deep voices, must not be interested in art, cooking, music, sewing, or reading, all seen as
traditionally feminine pursuits. Straight men must always make aggressive and suggestive comments to and/or about women,
who are expected to view this attention as both expected and desired. Straight men objectify women; straight women
expect them to do it. Straight women, for their part, must be ashamed of their own sexuality and attractiveness, using it
only for procreation and not for pleasure, but they must at all costs maintain their availability and present themselves to the
world in a highly ritualized form of body display: "I'm putting on my face." Straight women aren't supposed to be bold or
seductive, unless it's in a porn film; or in a noir film, in which case they will be punished for their sexual aggression; or in
an action film, in which case they may fight another woman and occasionally even a man--in self defense-- but, ultimately,
they must allow themselves to be extricated from real danger by the film's putative hero. Straight girls must giggle and use
high voices. Straight boys may not express interest in straight girls until puberty, and then only in a highly prescribed
fashion, reinforced by school dances, parking lot makeout sessions, and family celebrations. Only "bad" straight girls and
women embrace their sexuality; "good" straight women repress their carnal desires. Straight girls and women must prefer
to socialize exclusively with other straight females; the same holds true of their male counterparts. Straight couples must
bond with other straight couples to survive within the community... [Dixon, Wheeler Winston. 2003. Straight: Construction
of Heterosexuality in the Cinema. Albany: State University of New York Press. P: 89].
Which among the sentence is false about straight women
[Question ID = 7477]
1. Straight women can be bold or seductive in a porn film; or in a noir film, in which case they will be punished for their sexual aggression;
[Option ID = 29902]
2. Straight women can be bold or seductive in an action film, in which case they may fight another woman and occasionally even a man--in self
defense-- but, ultimately, they must allow themselves to be extricated from real danger by the film's putative hero
[Option ID = 29903]
3. Straight women should expect straight men to objectify them
[Option ID = 29904]
4. None of these
[Option ID = 29905]
Correct Answer :
None of these
[Option ID = 29905]
5) Answer the question
Performing straightness entails rigid selfdiscipline. It is a state of monotony, repetition, and predictability. It enshrines
those who compete in violent sports as heroes, while it marginalizes those who write books other than thrillers or romances
(the books one can find in any airport in the world). Straight people play golf, aspire to be upwardly mobile, and are never
satisfied with the material possessions they have; they always want more, and they feel that they are entitled to more by
their sexual orientation and corporeal selfgovernment. Straight women must be interested in children and must obey the
call to become mothers, a call that is endlessly celebrated in mainstream cinema. They must return the gazes of men with
appreciation and availability; they must make allowances for the behavioral quirks of their masculine opposites, mothering
them, encouraging them, and providing sexual satisfaction on demand. Straightness is work. Straightness wears a tie or a
dress. Men must have deep voices, must not be interested in art, cooking, music, sewing, or reading, all seen as
traditionally feminine pursuits. Straight men must always make aggressive and suggestive comments to and/or about women,
who are expected to view this attention as both expected and desired. Straight men objectify women; straight women
expect them to do it. Straight women, for their part, must be ashamed of their own sexuality and attractiveness, using it
only for procreation and not for pleasure, but they must at all costs maintain their availability and present themselves to the
world in a highly ritualized form of body display: "I'm putting on my face." Straight women aren't supposed to be bold or
seductive, unless it's in a porn film; or in a noir film, in which case they will be punished for their sexual aggression; or in
an action film, in which case they may fight another woman and occasionally even a man--in self defense-- but, ultimately,
they must allow themselves to be extricated from real danger by the film's putative hero. Straight girls must giggle and use
high voices. Straight boys may not express interest in straight girls until puberty, and then only in a highly prescribed
fashion, reinforced by school dances, parking lot makeout sessions, and family celebrations. Only "bad" straight girls and
women embrace their sexuality; "good" straight women repress their carnal desires. Straight girls and women must prefer
to socialize exclusively with other straight females; the same holds true of their male counterparts. Straight couples must
bond with other straight couples to survive within the community... [Dixon, Wheeler Winston. 2003. Straight: Construction
of Heterosexuality in the Cinema. Albany: State University of New York Press. P: 89].
In the paragraph the author emphasizes
[Question ID = 7478]
1. Like sports, cinema should maintain patriarchy and masculinity in order to survive.
[Option ID = 29906]
2. How hetronormativity is an ideal one for society
[Option ID = 29907]
3. How male gaze get reproduced
[Option ID = 29908]
4. None of these
[Option ID = 29909]
Correct Answer :
How male gaze get reproduced
[Option ID = 29908]
Topic: SOCIO MPHIL S2 P4
1) Answer the question
History textbooks (or at least the ones I studied years ago) tend to draw a broad distinction between "direct" and "indirect"
rule: the former a mode of governance practiced in French Africa colonies and the latter in British ones. But the truth is
that both forms were deployed in British colonial Africa, and in apartheid South Africa as well. Direct rule (or "concentrated
despotism") was exerted in the cities, while indirect rule (or "decentralized despotism") held sway in the countryside,
native reserves, and later the Bantustans (Mamdani 17?19). While white settlers were citizens in the full sense of the word,
entitled to the rights and protections of the modern state, black South Africans were interpellated in two different and,
indeed, antithetical ways, depending on their geographical location. In the cities, they directly confronted a racist
centralized bureaucracy. They were converted into serialized individuals, in the sense that they were issued birth
certificates and passes, their marriages and divorces were recorded, and their properties and taxes were regulated. But
while subject to the laws of the state, they were resolutely barred from its privileges and from rightsbearing citizenship. In
the countryside and tribal reserves, where daily governance was yielded to native authorities, black South Africans were
treated not as citizens but as racialized subjects, denizens of a collective and thoroughly antimodern ethnoscape, who were
incorporated into stateenforced systems of customary law. Migrants, the aporetic figures in the system, remained
suspended in what Mamdani calls a juridical limbo--as "a class in civil society, but not of civil society" (19, 218).
Rita Barnard, Tsotis: On Law, the outlaw and the postcolonial state, Contemporary Literature XLIX: 4, 2008
According to this extract, the difference between direct and indirect rule is that:
[Question ID = 7480]
1. One is found in French Africa and the other in British Africa
[Option ID = 29914]
2. Indirect rule is urban and direct rule is rural
[Option ID = 29915]
3. They vary by geographical location and race
[Option ID = 29916]
4. Direct rule is for whites and indirect rule for black
[Option ID = 29917]
Correct Answer :
They vary by geographical location and race
[Option ID = 29916]
2) Answer the question
History textbooks (or at least the ones I studied years ago) tend to draw a broad distinction between "direct" and "indirect"
rule: the former a mode of governance practiced in French Africa colonies and the latter in British ones. But the truth is
that both forms were deployed in British colonial Africa, and in apartheid South Africa as well. Direct rule (or "concentrated
despotism") was exerted in the cities, while indirect rule (or "decentralized despotism") held sway in the countryside,
native reserves, and later the Bantustans (Mamdani 17?19). While white settlers were citizens in the full sense of the word,
entitled to the rights and protections of the modern state, black South Africans were interpellated in two different and,
indeed, antithetical ways, depending on their geographical location. In the cities, they directly confronted a racist
centralized bureaucracy. They were converted into serialized individuals, in the sense that they were issued birth
certificates and passes, their marriages and divorces were recorded, and their properties and taxes were regulated. But
while subject to the laws of the state, they were resolutely barred from its privileges and from rightsbearing citizenship. In
the countryside and tribal reserves, where daily governance was yielded to native authorities, black South Africans were
treated not as citizens but as racialized subjects, denizens of a collective and thoroughly antimodern ethnoscape, who were
incorporated into stateenforced systems of customary law. Migrants, the aporetic figures in the system, remained
suspended in what Mamdani calls a juridical limbo--as "a class in civil society, but not of civil society" (19, 218).
Rita Barnard, Tsotis: On Law, the outlaw and the postcolonial state, Contemporary Literature XLIX: 4, 2008
Indirect rule is referred to as decentralized despotism because:
[Question ID = 7481]
1. Blacks were under white control
[Option ID = 29918]
2. Black rule was customarily despotic
[Option ID = 29919]
3. Black South Africans were issued certificates, passes etc, and their lives regulated
[Option ID = 29920]
4. Customary law was a form of despotism enforced by the colonial state
[Option ID = 29921]
Correct Answer :
Customary law was a form of despotism enforced by the colonial state
[Option ID = 29921]
3) Answer the question
History textbooks (or at least the ones I studied years ago) tend to draw a broad distinction between "direct" and "indirect"
rule: the former a mode of governance practiced in French Africa colonies and the latter in British ones. But the truth is
that both forms were deployed in British colonial Africa, and in apartheid South Africa as well. Direct rule (or "concentrated
despotism") was exerted in the cities, while indirect rule (or "decentralized despotism") held sway in the countryside,
native reserves, and later the Bantustans (Mamdani 17?19). While white settlers were citizens in the full sense of the word,
entitled to the rights and protections of the modern state, black South Africans were interpellated in two different and,
indeed, antithetical ways, depending on their geographical location. In the cities, they directly confronted a racist
centralized bureaucracy. They were converted into serialized individuals, in the sense that they were issued birth
certificates and passes, their marriages and divorces were recorded, and their properties and taxes were regulated. But
while subject to the laws of the state, they were resolutely barred from its privileges and from rightsbearing citizenship. In
the countryside and tribal reserves, where daily governance was yielded to native authorities, black South Africans were
treated not as citizens but as racialized subjects, denizens of a collective and thoroughly antimodern ethnoscape, who were
incorporated into stateenforced systems of customary law. Migrants, the aporetic figures in the system, remained
suspended in what Mamdani calls a juridical limbo--as "a class in civil society, but not of civil society" (19, 218).
Rita Barnard, Tsotis: On Law, the outlaw and the postcolonial state, Contemporary Literature XLIX: 4, 2008
For urban black South Africans, state control meant
[Question ID = 7482]
1. They were treated as a collective rather than individuals
[Option ID = 29922]
2. They were subject to state surveillance
[Option ID = 29923]
3. The citizenship rights that were associated with direct rule
[Option ID = 29924]
4. The subject duties that were associated with indirect rule
[Option ID = 29925]
Correct Answer :
They were subject to state surveillance
[Option ID = 29923]
4) Answer the question
History textbooks (or at least the ones I studied years ago) tend to draw a broad distinction between "direct" and "indirect"
rule: the former a mode of governance practiced in French Africa colonies and the latter in British ones. But the truth is
that both forms were deployed in British colonial Africa, and in apartheid South Africa as well. Direct rule (or "concentrated
despotism") was exerted in the cities, while indirect rule (or "decentralized despotism") held sway in the countryside,
native reserves, and later the Bantustans (Mamdani 17?19). While white settlers were citizens in the full sense of the word,
entitled to the rights and protections of the modern state, black South Africans were interpellated in two different and,
indeed, antithetical ways, depending on their geographical location. In the cities, they directly confronted a racist
centralized bureaucracy. They were converted into serialized individuals, in the sense that they were issued birth
certificates and passes, their marriages and divorces were recorded, and their properties and taxes were regulated. But
while subject to the laws of the state, they were resolutely barred from its privileges and from rightsbearing citizenship. In
the countryside and tribal reserves, where daily governance was yielded to native authorities, black South Africans were
treated not as citizens but as racialized subjects, denizens of a collective and thoroughly antimodern ethnoscape, who were
incorporated into stateenforced systems of customary law. Migrants, the aporetic figures in the system, remained
suspended in what Mamdani calls a juridical limbo--as "a class in civil society, but not of civil society" (19, 218).
Rita Barnard, Tsotis: On Law, the outlaw and the postcolonial state, Contemporary Literature XLIX: 4, 2008
Based on this passage, migrants to the cities were governed by:
[Question ID = 7483]
1. Direct rule
[Option ID = 29926]
2. Indirect rule
[Option ID = 29927]
3. Both direct and indirect rule depending on their colour
[Option ID = 29928]
4. Neither direct nor indirect rule
[Option ID = 29929]
Correct Answer :
Neither direct nor indirect rule
[Option ID = 29929]
5) Answer the question
History textbooks (or at least the ones I studied years ago) tend to draw a broad distinction between "direct" and "indirect"
rule: the former a mode of governance practiced in French Africa colonies and the latter in British ones. But the truth is
that both forms were deployed in British colonial Africa, and in apartheid South Africa as well. Direct rule (or "concentrated
despotism") was exerted in the cities, while indirect rule (or "decentralized despotism") held sway in the countryside,
native reserves, and later the Bantustans (Mamdani 17?19). While white settlers were citizens in the full sense of the word,
entitled to the rights and protections of the modern state, black South Africans were interpellated in two different and,
indeed, antithetical ways, depending on their geographical location. In the cities, they directly confronted a racist
centralized bureaucracy. They were converted into serialized individuals, in the sense that they were issued birth
certificates and passes, their marriages and divorces were recorded, and their properties and taxes were regulated. But
while subject to the laws of the state, they were resolutely barred from its privileges and from rightsbearing citizenship. In
the countryside and tribal reserves, where daily governance was yielded to native authorities, black South Africans were
treated not as citizens but as racialized subjects, denizens of a collective and thoroughly antimodern ethnoscape, who were
incorporated into stateenforced systems of customary law. Migrants, the aporetic figures in the system, remained
suspended in what Mamdani calls a juridical limbo--as "a class in civil society, but not of civil society" (19, 218).
Rita Barnard, Tsotis: On Law, the outlaw and the postcolonial state, Contemporary Literature XLIX: 4, 2008
If being of civil society means the full enjoyment of citizenship rights and vice versa
[Question ID = 7484]
1. Only urban whites were members of civil society
[Option ID = 29931]
2. Migrants were members of civil society
[Option ID = 29932]
3. White citizenship and civil society were synonymous
[Option ID = 29933]
4. Only blacks were not members of civil society
[Option ID = 29930]
Correct Answer :
White citizenship and civil society were synonymous
[Option ID = 29933]
Topic: SOCIO MPHIL S2 P5
1) Study the table and answer the question
Table 1: PartyType and Forfeiture of Deposit in 2019 General Elections, Select States
Total Number of Candidates Who
Number of Candidates Who Forfeited Their
Contested the Election
Deposit
National State Other
National State Other
IndependentsTotal
IndependentsTotal
TotalParties PartiesParties
Parties PartiesParties
State
Seats
Assam
14
38
7
54
46 145
16
0
53
45 114
Bihar
40
70
47
279
230 626
43
1
272
230 546
Kerala
20
65
4
43
115 227
25
0
42
113 180
Maharashtra
48
115
23
311
418 867
48
0
304
416 768
Tamil Nadu
38
53
48
177
544 822
35
2
167
544 748
U t t a r
Pradesh
80
195
40
480
264 979
76
1
478
264 819
Source: Excerpted and adapted from: Schedule 19, Election Commission of India website:
www.eci.gov.in
Study Table 1 carefully before you answer the following question:
Statements:
1. As the total number of seats in the six states goes from highest to lowest, the total number of candidates contesting also
keeps going down.
2. As a rule, higher the total number of candidates contesting, higher is the total number of candidates forfeiting their
deposits.
3. There is only one state where the number of candidates contesting from National level parties is more than three times
the number of total seats.
Which of the statements above is TRUE
[Question ID = 7486]
1. None
[Option ID = 29938]
2. 1 and 2
[Option ID = 29939]
3. 2 and 3
[Option ID = 29940]
4. 1 only
[Option ID = 29941]
Correct Answer :
2 and 3
[Option ID = 29940]
2) Study the table and answer the question
Table 1: PartyType and Forfeiture of Deposit in 2019 General Elections, Select States
Total Number of Candidates Who
Number of Candidates Who Forfeited Their
Contested the Election
Deposit
National State Other
National State Other
IndependentsTotal
IndependentsTotal
TotalParties PartiesParties
Parties PartiesParties
State
Seats
Assam
14
38
7
54
46 145
16
0
53
45 114
Bihar
40
70
47
279
230 626
43
1
272
230 546
Kerala
20
65
4
43
115 227
25
0
42
113 180
Maharashtra
48
115
23
311
418 867
48
0
304
416 768
Tamil Nadu
38
53
48
177
544 822
35
2
167
544 748
U t t a r
Pradesh
80
195
40
480
264 979
76
1
478
264 819
Source: Excerpted and adapted from: Schedule 19, Election Commission of India website:
www.eci.gov.in
Study Table 1 carefully before you answer the following question:
The share of Independent candidates in Total candidates is the highest in
[Question ID = 7487]
1. Tamil Nadu
[Option ID = 29942]
2. Maharashtra
[Option ID = 29943]
3. Bihar
[Option ID = 29944]
4. Uttar Pradesh
[Option ID = 29945]
Correct Answer :
Tamil Nadu
[Option ID = 29942]
3) Study the table and answer the question
Table 1: PartyType and Forfeiture of Deposit in 2019 General Elections, Select States
Total Number of Candidates Who
Number of Candidates Who Forfeited Their
Contested the Election
Deposit
National State Other
National State Other
IndependentsTotal
IndependentsTotal
TotalParties PartiesParties
Parties PartiesParties
State
Seats
Assam
14
38
7
54
46 145
16
0
53
45 114
Bihar
40
70
47
279
230 626
43
1
272
230 546
Kerala
20
65
4
43
115 227
25
0
42
113 180
Maharashtra
48
115
23
311
418 867
48
0
304
416 768
Tamil Nadu
38
53
48
177
544 822
35
2
167
544 748
U t t a r
Pradesh
80
195
40
480
264 979
76
1
478
264 819
Source: Excerpted and adapted from: Schedule 19, Election Commission of India website:
www.eci.gov.in
Study Table 1 carefully before you answer the following question:
The share of candidates who do not lose their deposits to Total candidates is the highest for
[Question ID = 7488]
1. National Parties
[Option ID = 29946]
2. State Parties
[Option ID = 29947]
3. Other Parties
[Option ID = 29948]
4. Data is insufficient to answer this question
[Option ID = 29949]
Correct Answer :
State Parties
[Option ID = 29947]
4) Study the table and answer the question
Table 1: PartyType and Forfeiture of Deposit in 2019 General Elections, Select States
Total Number of Candidates Who
Number of Candidates Who Forfeited Their
Contested the Election
Deposit
National State Other
National State Other
IndependentsTotal
IndependentsTotal
TotalParties PartiesParties
Parties PartiesParties
State
Seats
Assam
14
38
7
54
46 145
16
0
53
45 114
Bihar
40
70
47
279
230 626
43
1
272
230 546
Kerala
20
65
4
43
115 227
25
0
42
113 180
Maharashtra
48
115
23
311
418 867
48
0
304
416 768
Tamil Nadu
38
53
48
177
544 822
35
2
167
544 748
U t t a r
Pradesh
80
195
40
480
264 979
76
1
478
264 819
Source: Excerpted and adapted from: Schedule 19, Election Commission of India website:
www.eci.gov.in
Study Table 1 carefully before you answer the following question:
The share of candidates who won their elections to Total candidates is the lowest for
[Question ID = 7489]
1. National Parties
[Option ID = 29950]
2. Independents
[Option ID = 29951]
3. Other Parties
[Option ID = 29952]
4. Data is insufficient to answer this question
[Option ID = 29953]
Correct Answer :
Data is insufficient to answer this question
[Option ID = 29953]
5) Study the table and answer the question
Table 1: PartyType and Forfeiture of Deposit in 2019 General Elections, Select States
Total Number of Candidates Who
Number of Candidates Who Forfeited Their
Contested the Election
Deposit
National State Other
National State Other
IndependentsTotal
IndependentsTotal
TotalParties PartiesParties
Parties PartiesParties
State
Seats
Assam
14
38
7
54
46 145
16
0
53
45 114
Bihar
40
70
47
279
230 626
43
1
272
230 546
Kerala
20
65
4
43
115 227
25
0
42
113 180
Maharashtra
48
115
23
311
418 867
48
0
304
416 768
Tamil Nadu
38
53
48
177
544 822
35
2
167
544 748
U t t a r
Pradesh
80
195
40
480
264 979
76
1
478
264 819
Source: Excerpted and adapted from: Schedule 19, Election Commission of India website:
www.eci.gov.in
Study Table 1 carefully before you answer the following question:
The absolute number of Other Parties candidates who did not lose their deposits is larger than the corresponding number for
Independent candidates in:
[Question ID = 7490]
1. Assam and Kerala
[Option ID = 29954]
2. Kerala, Maharashtra and Tamil Nadu
[Option ID = 29955]
3. Bihar, Maharashtra, Tamil Nadu and Uttar Pradesh
[Option ID = 29956]
4. Assam only
[Option ID = 29957]
Correct Answer :
Bihar, Maharashtra, Tamil Nadu and Uttar Pradesh
[Option ID = 29956]
Topic: SOCIO MPHIL S2 P6
1) Answer the question
A physician's thought and activity are incomprehensible without the concepts of the normal and the pathological. Yet a
great deal is needed in order for these concepts to become as clear to medical judgment as they are indispensable to it. Is
"pathological" the same concept as "abnormal"? Is it the contrary to or the contradictory of "normal"? Is "normal" the same as
"healthy"? Is "anomaly" the same thing as "abnormality"? ... Human life can have a biological meaning, a social meaning, and
an existential meaning. In an assessment of the modifications that disease inflicts on the living human being, all these
meanings can equally be retained... The ambiguity of the term normal has often been noted. Sometimes it designates a fact
that can be described through statistical sampling; it refers to the mean of measurements made of a trait displayed by a
species and to the plurality of individuals displaying this traiteither in accordance with the mean or with certain
divergences considered insignificant. And yet it also sometimes designates an ideal, a positive principle of evaluation, in the
sense of a prototype or a perfect form. The fact that these two meanings are always linked, so that the term normal is
always unclear, comes out even in the advice we are given to help us avoid this ambiguity...What is fundamentally at stake
is as much the object of biology as of the art of medicine. In his Recherches sur la vie et la mort (1800), Bichat locates the
distinctive characteristic of organisms in the instability of vital forces, in the irregularity of vital phenomenain contrast to
the uniformity of physical phenomena....he remarks that there is no pathological astronomy, dynamics, or hydraulics,
because physical properties never diverge from their "natural type" and thus do not need to be restored to it... Considered
in its entirety, an organism is "other" when it is diseased and not the same save for certain dimensions (e.g., diabetes must
be thought of as a nutritional disease, in which glucid metabolism depends on multiple factors coordinated by the indivisible
action of the endocrinal systemand, in general, nutritional diseases are functional diseases related to deficiencies in dietary
regimes). This is what Leriche recognizes when he writes: "In man, disease is always an ensemble .... "What produces it
touches the ordinary forces of life within us in such a subtle fashion that their responses are less a deviated physiology than
a new one." It now appears possible to respond with some hope of clarity to the questions posed at the beginning of these
considerations. We cannot say that the concept of the "pathological" is the logical contradictory of the concept "normal," for
life in the pathological state is not the absence of norms but the presence of other norms. Rigorously speaking,
"pathological" is the vital contrary of "healthy" and not the logical contradictory of "normal."22
Georges Canguilhem 2008 Knowledge of Life.
The `normal' is an ambiguous term because
[Question ID = 7492]
1. Human life can have multiple meanings
[Option ID = 29962]
2. We can lead healthy lives with infirmities.
[Option ID = 29963]
3. It can refer to a statistical sample as well as designate an ideal.
[Option ID = 29964]
4. All of these
[Option ID = 29965]
Correct Answer :
It can refer to a statistical sample as well as designate an ideal.
[Option ID = 29964]
2) Answer the question
A physician's thought and activity are incomprehensible without the concepts of the normal and the pathological. Yet a
great deal is needed in order for these concepts to become as clear to medical judgment as they are indispensable to it. Is
"pathological" the same concept as "abnormal"? Is it the contrary to or the contradictory of "normal"? Is "normal" the same as
"healthy"? Is "anomaly" the same thing as "abnormality"? ... Human life can have a biological meaning, a social meaning, and
an existential meaning. In an assessment of the modifications that disease inflicts on the living human being, all these
meanings can equally be retained... The ambiguity of the term normal has often been noted. Sometimes it designates a fact
that can be described through statistical sampling; it refers to the mean of measurements made of a trait displayed by a
species and to the plurality of individuals displaying this traiteither in accordance with the mean or with certain
divergences considered insignificant. And yet it also sometimes designates an ideal, a positive principle of evaluation, in the
sense of a prototype or a perfect form. The fact that these two meanings are always linked, so that the term normal is
always unclear, comes out even in the advice we are given to help us avoid this ambiguity...What is fundamentally at stake
is as much the object of biology as of the art of medicine. In his Recherches sur la vie et la mort (1800), Bichat locates the
distinctive characteristic of organisms in the instability of vital forces, in the irregularity of vital phenomenain contrast to
the uniformity of physical phenomena....he remarks that there is no pathological astronomy, dynamics, or hydraulics,
because physical properties never diverge from their "natural type" and thus do not need to be restored to it... Considered
in its entirety, an organism is "other" when it is diseased and not the same save for certain dimensions (e.g., diabetes must
be thought of as a nutritional disease, in which glucid metabolism depends on multiple factors coordinated by the indivisible
action of the endocrinal systemand, in general, nutritional diseases are functional diseases related to deficiencies in dietary
regimes). This is what Leriche recognizes when he writes: "In man, disease is always an ensemble .... "What produces it
touches the ordinary forces of life within us in such a subtle fashion that their responses are less a deviated physiology than
a new one." It now appears possible to respond with some hope of clarity to the questions posed at the beginning of these
considerations. We cannot say that the concept of the "pathological" is the logical contradictory of the concept "normal," for
life in the pathological state is not the absence of norms but the presence of other norms. Rigorously speaking,
"pathological" is the vital contrary of "healthy" and not the logical contradictory of "normal."22
Georges Canguilhem 2008 Knowledge of Life.
Is the normal pathological distinction the same as that between the regular and irregular
[Question ID = 7493]
1. (1) No because the vitality of the normal must include irregularity.
[Option ID = 29966]
2. (2) Because the term `normal' does not imply uniformity.
[Option ID = 29967]
3. (3) Both 1. and 2
[Option ID = 29968]
4. (4) There is a fuzzy distinction between the normal and the pathological.
[Option ID = 29969]
Correct Answer :
(3) Both 1. and 2
[Option ID = 29968]
3) Answer the question
A physician's thought and activity are incomprehensible without the concepts of the normal and the pathological. Yet a
great deal is needed in order for these concepts to become as clear to medical judgment as they are indispensable to it. Is
"pathological" the same concept as "abnormal"? Is it the contrary to or the contradictory of "normal"? Is "normal" the same as
"healthy"? Is "anomaly" the same thing as "abnormality"? ... Human life can have a biological meaning, a social meaning, and
an existential meaning. In an assessment of the modifications that disease inflicts on the living human being, all these
meanings can equally be retained... The ambiguity of the term normal has often been noted. Sometimes it designates a fact
that can be described through statistical sampling; it refers to the mean of measurements made of a trait displayed by a
species and to the plurality of individuals displaying this traiteither in accordance with the mean or with certain
divergences considered insignificant. And yet it also sometimes designates an ideal, a positive principle of evaluation, in the
sense of a prototype or a perfect form. The fact that these two meanings are always linked, so that the term normal is
always unclear, comes out even in the advice we are given to help us avoid this ambiguity...What is fundamentally at stake
is as much the object of biology as of the art of medicine. In his Recherches sur la vie et la mort (1800), Bichat locates the
distinctive characteristic of organisms in the instability of vital forces, in the irregularity of vital phenomenain contrast to
the uniformity of physical phenomena....he remarks that there is no pathological astronomy, dynamics, or hydraulics,
because physical properties never diverge from their "natural type" and thus do not need to be restored to it... Considered
in its entirety, an organism is "other" when it is diseased and not the same save for certain dimensions (e.g., diabetes must
be thought of as a nutritional disease, in which glucid metabolism depends on multiple factors coordinated by the indivisible
action of the endocrinal systemand, in general, nutritional diseases are functional diseases related to deficiencies in dietary
regimes). This is what Leriche recognizes when he writes: "In man, disease is always an ensemble .... "What produces it
touches the ordinary forces of life within us in such a subtle fashion that their responses are less a deviated physiology than
a new one." It now appears possible to respond with some hope of clarity to the questions posed at the beginning of these
considerations. We cannot say that the concept of the "pathological" is the logical contradictory of the concept "normal," for
life in the pathological state is not the absence of norms but the presence of other norms. Rigorously speaking,
"pathological" is the vital contrary of "healthy" and not the logical contradictory of "normal."22
Georges Canguilhem 2008 Knowledge of Life.
The pathological applies only to organic and not to physical phenomena because
[Question ID = 7494]
1. Physical phenomena are uniform.
[Option ID = 29970]
2. Physical phenomena conform to natural types.
[Option ID = 29971]
3. Because Vital forces are irregular.
[Option ID = 29972]
4. All of these
[Option ID = 29973]
Correct Answer :
All of these
[Option ID = 29973]
4) Answer the question
A physician's thought and activity are incomprehensible without the concepts of the normal and the pathological. Yet a
great deal is needed in order for these concepts to become as clear to medical judgment as they are indispensable to it. Is
"pathological" the same concept as "abnormal"? Is it the contrary to or the contradictory of "normal"? Is "normal" the same as
"healthy"? Is "anomaly" the same thing as "abnormality"? ... Human life can have a biological meaning, a social meaning, and
an existential meaning. In an assessment of the modifications that disease inflicts on the living human being, all these
meanings can equally be retained... The ambiguity of the term normal has often been noted. Sometimes it designates a fact
that can be described through statistical sampling; it refers to the mean of measurements made of a trait displayed by a
species and to the plurality of individuals displaying this traiteither in accordance with the mean or with certain
divergences considered insignificant. And yet it also sometimes designates an ideal, a positive principle of evaluation, in the
sense of a prototype or a perfect form. The fact that these two meanings are always linked, so that the term normal is
always unclear, comes out even in the advice we are given to help us avoid this ambiguity...What is fundamentally at stake
is as much the object of biology as of the art of medicine. In his Recherches sur la vie et la mort (1800), Bichat locates the
distinctive characteristic of organisms in the instability of vital forces, in the irregularity of vital phenomenain contrast to
the uniformity of physical phenomena....he remarks that there is no pathological astronomy, dynamics, or hydraulics,
because physical properties never diverge from their "natural type" and thus do not need to be restored to it... Considered
in its entirety, an organism is "other" when it is diseased and not the same save for certain dimensions (e.g., diabetes must
be thought of as a nutritional disease, in which glucid metabolism depends on multiple factors coordinated by the indivisible
action of the endocrinal systemand, in general, nutritional diseases are functional diseases related to deficiencies in dietary
regimes). This is what Leriche recognizes when he writes: "In man, disease is always an ensemble .... "What produces it
touches the ordinary forces of life within us in such a subtle fashion that their responses are less a deviated physiology than
a new one." It now appears possible to respond with some hope of clarity to the questions posed at the beginning of these
considerations. We cannot say that the concept of the "pathological" is the logical contradictory of the concept "normal," for
life in the pathological state is not the absence of norms but the presence of other norms. Rigorously speaking,
"pathological" is the vital contrary of "healthy" and not the logical contradictory of "normal."22
Georges Canguilhem 2008 Knowledge of Life.
The pathological is contrary to the normal because:
[Question ID = 7495]
1. Life includes both states of being.
[Option ID = 29974]
2. The pathological has no norms.
[Option ID = 29975]
3. The pathological has other norms than the normal.
[Option ID = 29976]
4. The pathological implies ill health.
[Option ID = 29977]
Correct Answer :
The pathological has other norms than the normal.
[Option ID = 29976]
5) Answer the question
A physician's thought and activity are incomprehensible without the concepts of the normal and the pathological. Yet a
great deal is needed in order for these concepts to become as clear to medical judgment as they are indispensable to it. Is
"pathological" the same concept as "abnormal"? Is it the contrary to or the contradictory of "normal"? Is "normal" the same as
"healthy"? Is "anomaly" the same thing as "abnormality"? ... Human life can have a biological meaning, a social meaning, and
an existential meaning. In an assessment of the modifications that disease inflicts on the living human being, all these
meanings can equally be retained... The ambiguity of the term normal has often been noted. Sometimes it designates a fact
that can be described through statistical sampling; it refers to the mean of measurements made of a trait displayed by a
species and to the plurality of individuals displaying this traiteither in accordance with the mean or with certain
divergences considered insignificant. And yet it also sometimes designates an ideal, a positive principle of evaluation, in the
sense of a prototype or a perfect form. The fact that these two meanings are always linked, so that the term normal is
always unclear, comes out even in the advice we are given to help us avoid this ambiguity...What is fundamentally at stake
is as much the object of biology as of the art of medicine. In his Recherches sur la vie et la mort (1800), Bichat locates the
distinctive characteristic of organisms in the instability of vital forces, in the irregularity of vital phenomenain contrast to
the uniformity of physical phenomena....he remarks that there is no pathological astronomy, dynamics, or hydraulics,
because physical properties never diverge from their "natural type" and thus do not need to be restored to it... Considered
in its entirety, an organism is "other" when it is diseased and not the same save for certain dimensions (e.g., diabetes must
be thought of as a nutritional disease, in which glucid metabolism depends on multiple factors coordinated by the indivisible
action of the endocrinal systemand, in general, nutritional diseases are functional diseases related to deficiencies in dietary
regimes). This is what Leriche recognizes when he writes: "In man, disease is always an ensemble .... "What produces it
touches the ordinary forces of life within us in such a subtle fashion that their responses are less a deviated physiology than
a new one." It now appears possible to respond with some hope of clarity to the questions posed at the beginning of these
considerations. We cannot say that the concept of the "pathological" is the logical contradictory of the concept "normal," for
life in the pathological state is not the absence of norms but the presence of other norms. Rigorously speaking,
"pathological" is the vital contrary of "healthy" and not the logical contradictory of "normal."22
Georges Canguilhem 2008 Knowledge of Life.
Are the normal and the pathological contradictory states of being
[Question ID = 7496]
1. No because both are characterized by norms.
[Option ID = 29978]
2. Yes, because the pathological is the opposite of the normal state.
[Option ID = 29979]
3. Neither of these
[Option ID = 29980]
4. The normal and the pathological are different ways of adapting to the milieu.
[Option ID = 29981]
Correct Answer :
No because both are characterized by norms.
[Option ID = 29978]
Topic: SOCIO MPHIL S2 P7
1) Answer the question
It is by now common sense to speak about the seventeenth century as a period of mercantilism, and to denote the
accumulation of capital in the growing sites of production as `primitive', `protocapitalist' and reserve the word `capitalism'
for the aftermath of the industrial revolution. This period can be described as the `anticipation of "civil society", in
preparation since the sixteenth century and making strides towards maturity in the eighteenth' (Marx 1974: 83). However,
instead of looking at this period as an anticipation of anything or a stride towards maturity, we would rather deal with it
directly as its own unique period. Taking the first phase which followed the decline of Spain as a hegemon in the European
adventure between 1620?60, where a lot of agreement exists that indeed there was a `B' phase ? of economic and social
decline ? we do not only witness economic hardship but panic about `masterless men' roaming the countryside and invading
cities; the proliferation of beggars and vagabonds in all the major towns of the West; fleeing land workers (serfs and slaves)
in the Russian domain; ... pirate power everywhere; and a general restlessness in `frontier' encounters where China and
Russia form a powerful avantgarde, followed by the English (Ireland, the Americas and India), the Dutch, the French (West
Africa) and the Portuguese. We can repeat the exercise with different dominant actors, but the `anomalic phase' is
homologous all over the world. Thinking about it, some evidence already exists. The first B?A phase of 1620?60 has in its
downphase the creation of the H?pitaux g?n?raux in Paris and by 1660, in most French cities, places of confinement for
the idle poor, the vagabonds, the mad, the needy ? all defined as deviant and in need of incarceration. This occurs
simultaneously in France, Germany and Britain shortly after a devastating cycle of plagues. This is one side of the
consolidation of the Absolutist State in the West for, as Foucault asserts, not only did the monarchies of the classical period
develop great state apparatuses (the army, the police and fiscal administration) but above all, `procedures' and
`techniques' of power that were novel, controlling and revolutionary. The institutional innovations of the Absolutist State,
continues Perry Anderson (1974: 29), were about armies and bureaucracies (but also, less important for us, taxation, trade,
diplomacy)....
Reading on, we see in Europe the introduction of Roman Law (Roman Dutch Law in the United Provinces), and the first
codified definitions of who could be a slave and who could not, and by implication, the first codified definitions of race. ...
there seems to be a strong case that between 1620?60 we can trace an `anomalic' downphase with its moral panics, and
an upphase of normalization and new institutions and apparatuses to attempt to do the job.
(Ari Sitas et al, Guaging and Engaging Deviance, 16002000)
According to the author, the 17 century should be understood
th
[Question ID = 7498]
1. As a period that led to the making of capitalism
[Option ID = 29986]
2. As a period of mercantilism and primitive accumulation
[Option ID = 29987]
3. A period of cycles between economic downturns and political, legal normalisation through institutions
[Option ID = 29988]
4. As an anomalous century between the 16 and 18
th
centuries
th
[Option ID = 29989]
Correct Answer :
A period of cycles between economic downturns and political, legal normalisation through institutions
[Option ID = 29988]
2) Answer the question
It is by now common sense to speak about the seventeenth century as a period of mercantilism, and to denote the
accumulation of capital in the growing sites of production as `primitive', `protocapitalist' and reserve the word `capitalism'
for the aftermath of the industrial revolution. This period can be described as the `anticipation of "civil society", in
preparation since the sixteenth century and making strides towards maturity in the eighteenth' (Marx 1974: 83). However,
instead of looking at this period as an anticipation of anything or a stride towards maturity, we would rather deal with it
directly as its own unique period. Taking the first phase which followed the decline of Spain as a hegemon in the European
adventure between 1620?60, where a lot of agreement exists that indeed there was a `B' phase ? of economic and social
decline ? we do not only witness economic hardship but panic about `masterless men' roaming the countryside and invading
cities; the proliferation of beggars and vagabonds in all the major towns of the West; fleeing land workers (serfs and slaves)
in the Russian domain; ... pirate power everywhere; and a general restlessness in `frontier' encounters where China and
Russia form a powerful avantgarde, followed by the English (Ireland, the Americas and India), the Dutch, the French (West
Africa) and the Portuguese. We can repeat the exercise with different dominant actors, but the `anomalic phase' is
homologous all over the world. Thinking about it, some evidence already exists. The first B?A phase of 1620?60 has in its
downphase the creation of the H?pitaux g?n?raux in Paris and by 1660, in most French cities, places of confinement for
the idle poor, the vagabonds, the mad, the needy ? all defined as deviant and in need of incarceration. This occurs
simultaneously in France, Germany and Britain shortly after a devastating cycle of plagues. This is one side of the
consolidation of the Absolutist State in the West for, as Foucault asserts, not only did the monarchies of the classical period
develop great state apparatuses (the army, the police and fiscal administration) but above all, `procedures' and
`techniques' of power that were novel, controlling and revolutionary. The institutional innovations of the Absolutist State,
continues Perry Anderson (1974: 29), were about armies and bureaucracies (but also, less important for us, taxation, trade,
diplomacy)....
Reading on, we see in Europe the introduction of Roman Law (Roman Dutch Law in the United Provinces), and the first
codified definitions of who could be a slave and who could not, and by implication, the first codified definitions of race. ...
there seems to be a strong case that between 1620?60 we can trace an `anomalic' downphase with its moral panics, and
an upphase of normalization and new institutions and apparatuses to attempt to do the job.
(Ari Sitas et al, Guaging and Engaging Deviance, 16002000)
Moral panics in this context refer to
[Question ID = 7499]
1. A period when the state and authorities were worried with seeming loss of control
[Option ID = 29990]
2. An anomalic phase marked by economic downswings
[Option ID = 29991]
3. A period of deviance
[Option ID = 29992]
4. All of these
[Option ID = 29993]
Correct Answer :
All of these
[Option ID = 29993]
3) Answer the question
It is by now common sense to speak about the seventeenth century as a period of mercantilism, and to denote the
accumulation of capital in the growing sites of production as `primitive', `protocapitalist' and reserve the word `capitalism'
for the aftermath of the industrial revolution. This period can be described as the `anticipation of "civil society", in
preparation since the sixteenth century and making strides towards maturity in the eighteenth' (Marx 1974: 83). However,
instead of looking at this period as an anticipation of anything or a stride towards maturity, we would rather deal with it
directly as its own unique period. Taking the first phase which followed the decline of Spain as a hegemon in the European
adventure between 1620?60, where a lot of agreement exists that indeed there was a `B' phase ? of economic and social
decline ? we do not only witness economic hardship but panic about `masterless men' roaming the countryside and invading
cities; the proliferation of beggars and vagabonds in all the major towns of the West; fleeing land workers (serfs and slaves)
in the Russian domain; ... pirate power everywhere; and a general restlessness in `frontier' encounters where China and
Russia form a powerful avantgarde, followed by the English (Ireland, the Americas and India), the Dutch, the French (West
Africa) and the Portuguese. We can repeat the exercise with different dominant actors, but the `anomalic phase' is
homologous all over the world. Thinking about it, some evidence already exists. The first B?A phase of 1620?60 has in its
downphase the creation of the H?pitaux g?n?raux in Paris and by 1660, in most French cities, places of confinement for
the idle poor, the vagabonds, the mad, the needy ? all defined as deviant and in need of incarceration. This occurs
simultaneously in France, Germany and Britain shortly after a devastating cycle of plagues. This is one side of the
consolidation of the Absolutist State in the West for, as Foucault asserts, not only did the monarchies of the classical period
develop great state apparatuses (the army, the police and fiscal administration) but above all, `procedures' and
`techniques' of power that were novel, controlling and revolutionary. The institutional innovations of the Absolutist State,
continues Perry Anderson (1974: 29), were about armies and bureaucracies (but also, less important for us, taxation, trade,
diplomacy)....
Reading on, we see in Europe the introduction of Roman Law (Roman Dutch Law in the United Provinces), and the first
codified definitions of who could be a slave and who could not, and by implication, the first codified definitions of race. ...
there seems to be a strong case that between 1620?60 we can trace an `anomalic' downphase with its moral panics, and
an upphase of normalization and new institutions and apparatuses to attempt to do the job.
(Ari Sitas et al, Guaging and Engaging Deviance, 16002000)
The development of state apparatuses were a part of
[Question ID = 7500]
1. (1) The economic upswing of the state
[Option ID = 29994]
2. (2) Normalization of power
[Option ID = 29995]
3. (3) Response to protocapitalism
[Option ID = 29996]
4. (4) 1 and 2 above
[Option ID = 29997]
Correct Answer :
(4) 1 and 2 above
[Option ID = 29997]
4) Answer the question
It is by now common sense to speak about the seventeenth century as a period of mercantilism, and to denote the
accumulation of capital in the growing sites of production as `primitive', `protocapitalist' and reserve the word `capitalism'
for the aftermath of the industrial revolution. This period can be described as the `anticipation of "civil society", in
preparation since the sixteenth century and making strides towards maturity in the eighteenth' (Marx 1974: 83). However,
instead of looking at this period as an anticipation of anything or a stride towards maturity, we would rather deal with it
directly as its own unique period. Taking the first phase which followed the decline of Spain as a hegemon in the European
adventure between 1620?60, where a lot of agreement exists that indeed there was a `B' phase ? of economic and social
decline ? we do not only witness economic hardship but panic about `masterless men' roaming the countryside and invading
cities; the proliferation of beggars and vagabonds in all the major towns of the West; fleeing land workers (serfs and slaves)
in the Russian domain; ... pirate power everywhere; and a general restlessness in `frontier' encounters where China and
Russia form a powerful avantgarde, followed by the English (Ireland, the Americas and India), the Dutch, the French (West
Africa) and the Portuguese. We can repeat the exercise with different dominant actors, but the `anomalic phase' is
homologous all over the world. Thinking about it, some evidence already exists. The first B?A phase of 1620?60 has in its
downphase the creation of the H?pitaux g?n?raux in Paris and by 1660, in most French cities, places of confinement for
the idle poor, the vagabonds, the mad, the needy ? all defined as deviant and in need of incarceration. This occurs
simultaneously in France, Germany and Britain shortly after a devastating cycle of plagues. This is one side of the
consolidation of the Absolutist State in the West for, as Foucault asserts, not only did the monarchies of the classical period
develop great state apparatuses (the army, the police and fiscal administration) but above all, `procedures' and
`techniques' of power that were novel, controlling and revolutionary. The institutional innovations of the Absolutist State,
continues Perry Anderson (1974: 29), were about armies and bureaucracies (but also, less important for us, taxation, trade,
diplomacy)....
Reading on, we see in Europe the introduction of Roman Law (Roman Dutch Law in the United Provinces), and the first
codified definitions of who could be a slave and who could not, and by implication, the first codified definitions of race. ...
there seems to be a strong case that between 1620?60 we can trace an `anomalic' downphase with its moral panics, and
an upphase of normalization and new institutions and apparatuses to attempt to do the job.
(Ari Sitas et al, Guaging and Engaging Deviance, 16002000)
Protocapitalism refers to a period
[Question ID = 7501]
1. just prior to the rise of fullyformed capitalist accumulation
[Option ID = 29998]
2. Marked by primitive accumulation
[Option ID = 29999]
3. Synonymous with industrialization
[Option ID = 30000]
4. Dominated by a procapitalist state
[Option ID = 30001]
Correct Answer :
just prior to the rise of fullyformed capitalist accumulation
[Option ID = 29998]
5) Answer the question
It is by now common sense to speak about the seventeenth century as a period of mercantilism, and to denote the
accumulation of capital in the growing sites of production as `primitive', `protocapitalist' and reserve the word `capitalism'
for the aftermath of the industrial revolution. This period can be described as the `anticipation of "civil society", in
preparation since the sixteenth century and making strides towards maturity in the eighteenth' (Marx 1974: 83). However,
instead of looking at this period as an anticipation of anything or a stride towards maturity, we would rather deal with it
directly as its own unique period. Taking the first phase which followed the decline of Spain as a hegemon in the European
adventure between 1620?60, where a lot of agreement exists that indeed there was a `B' phase ? of economic and social
decline ? we do not only witness economic hardship but panic about `masterless men' roaming the countryside and invading
cities; the proliferation of beggars and vagabonds in all the major towns of the West; fleeing land workers (serfs and slaves)
in the Russian domain; ... pirate power everywhere; and a general restlessness in `frontier' encounters where China and
Russia form a powerful avantgarde, followed by the English (Ireland, the Americas and India), the Dutch, the French (West
Africa) and the Portuguese. We can repeat the exercise with different dominant actors, but the `anomalic phase' is
homologous all over the world. Thinking about it, some evidence already exists. The first B?A phase of 1620?60 has in its
downphase the creation of the H?pitaux g?n?raux in Paris and by 1660, in most French cities, places of confinement for
the idle poor, the vagabonds, the mad, the needy ? all defined as deviant and in need of incarceration. This occurs
simultaneously in France, Germany and Britain shortly after a devastating cycle of plagues. This is one side of the
consolidation of the Absolutist State in the West for, as Foucault asserts, not only did the monarchies of the classical period
develop great state apparatuses (the army, the police and fiscal administration) but above all, `procedures' and
`techniques' of power that were novel, controlling and revolutionary. The institutional innovations of the Absolutist State,
continues Perry Anderson (1974: 29), were about armies and bureaucracies (but also, less important for us, taxation, trade,
diplomacy)....
Reading on, we see in Europe the introduction of Roman Law (Roman Dutch Law in the United Provinces), and the first
codified definitions of who could be a slave and who could not, and by implication, the first codified definitions of race. ...
there seems to be a strong case that between 1620?60 we can trace an `anomalic' downphase with its moral panics, and
an upphase of normalization and new institutions and apparatuses to attempt to do the job.
(Ari Sitas et al, Guaging and Engaging Deviance, 16002000)
The position of slave was a result of
[Question ID = 7502]
1. Legal codes in Indian law
[Option ID = 30002]
2. Pirates who enslaved free men
[Option ID = 30003]
3. The fear of people without masters
[Option ID = 30004]
4. Plague which was rampant in Europe
[Option ID = 30005]
Correct Answer :
The fear of people without masters
[Option ID = 30004]
Topic: SOCIO MPHIL S2 P8
1) Answer the question
The history of all hitherto existing societies is the history of class struggles.
Freeman and slave, patrician and plebeian, lord and serf, guildmaster and journeyman, in a word, oppressor and
oppressed, stood in constant opposition to one another, carried on an uninterrupted, now hidden, now open fight, a fight
that each time ended, either in a revolutionary reconstitution of society at large, or in the common ruin of the contending
classes.
In the earlier epochs of history, we find almost everywhere a complicated arrangement of society into various orders, a
manifold gradation of social rank. In ancient Rome we have patricians, knights, plebeians, slaves; in the Middle Ages, feudal
lords, vassals, guildmasters, journeymen, apprentices, serfs; in almost all of these classes, again, subordinate gradations.
The modern bourgeois society that has sprouted from the ruins of feudal society has not done away with class antagonisms.
It has but established new classes, new conditions of oppression, new forms of struggle in place of the old ones. Our epoch,
the epoch of the bourgeoisie, possesses, however, this distinctive feature: it has simplified the class antagonisms: Society as
a whole is more and more splitting up into two great hostile camps, into two great classes, directly facing each other:
Bourgeoisie and Proletariat.
From the serfs of the Middle Ages sprang the chartered burghers of the earliest towns. From these burgesses the first
elements of the bourgeoisie were developed.
The discovery of America, the rounding of the Cape, opened up fresh ground for the rising bourgeoisie. The EastIndian and
Chinese markets, the colonisation of America, trade with the colonies, the increase in the means of exchange and in
commodities generally, gave to commerce, to navigation, to industry, an impulse never before known, and thereby, to the
revolutionary element in the tottering feudal society, a rapid development.
The feudal system of industry, under which industrial production was monopolised by closed guilds, now no longer sufficed
for the growing wants of the new markets. The manufacturing system took its place. The guildmasters were pushed on one
side by the manufacturing middle class; division of labour between the different corporate guilds vanished in the face of
division of labour in each single workshop.
Meantime the markets kept ever growing, the demand ever rising. Even manufacture no longer sufficed. Thereupon, steam
and machinery revolutionised industrial production. The place of manufacture was taken by the giant, Modern Industry, the
place of the industrial middle class, by industrial millionaires, the leaders of whole industrial armies, the modern bourgeois.
(The Communist Manifesto Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels. (1848) [1888 edition]. Pp 12.)
The primary purpose of this passage is to show:
[Question ID = 7504]
1. That class struggles were few and far between in feudal societies
[Option ID = 30010]
2. The force of change in society is class antagonism
[Option ID = 30011]
3. That there is one type of class antagonism in all societies
[Option ID = 30012]
4. That class struggles are invariably invisible
[Option ID = 30013]
Correct Answer :
The force of change in society is class antagonism
[Option ID = 30011]
2) Answer the question
The history of all hitherto existing societies is the history of class struggles.
Freeman and slave, patrician and plebeian, lord and serf, guildmaster and journeyman, in a word, oppressor and
oppressed, stood in constant opposition to one another, carried on an uninterrupted, now hidden, now open fight, a fight
that each time ended, either in a revolutionary reconstitution of society at large, or in the common ruin of the contending
classes.
In the earlier epochs of history, we find almost everywhere a complicated arrangement of society into various orders, a
manifold gradation of social rank. In ancient Rome we have patricians, knights, plebeians, slaves; in the Middle Ages, feudal
lords, vassals, guildmasters, journeymen, apprentices, serfs; in almost all of these classes, again, subordinate gradations.
The modern bourgeois society that has sprouted from the ruins of feudal society has not done away with class antagonisms.
It has but established new classes, new conditions of oppression, new forms of struggle in place of the old ones. Our epoch,
the epoch of the bourgeoisie, possesses, however, this distinctive feature: it has simplified the class antagonisms: Society as
a whole is more and more splitting up into two great hostile camps, into two great classes, directly facing each other:
Bourgeoisie and Proletariat.
From the serfs of the Middle Ages sprang the chartered burghers of the earliest towns. From these burgesses the first
elements of the bourgeoisie were developed.
The discovery of America, the rounding of the Cape, opened up fresh ground for the rising bourgeoisie. The EastIndian and
Chinese markets, the colonisation of America, trade with the colonies, the increase in the means of exchange and in
commodities generally, gave to commerce, to navigation, to industry, an impulse never before known, and thereby, to the
revolutionary element in the tottering feudal society, a rapid development.
The feudal system of industry, under which industrial production was monopolised by closed guilds, now no longer sufficed
for the growing wants of the new markets. The manufacturing system took its place. The guildmasters were pushed on one
side by the manufacturing middle class; division of labour between the different corporate guilds vanished in the face of
division of labour in each single workshop.
Meantime the markets kept ever growing, the demand ever rising. Even manufacture no longer sufficed. Thereupon, steam
and machinery revolutionised industrial production. The place of manufacture was taken by the giant, Modern Industry, the
place of the industrial middle class, by industrial millionaires, the leaders of whole industrial armies, the modern bourgeois.
(The Communist Manifesto Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels. (1848) [1888 edition]. Pp 12.)
The authors take the view that bourgeois society
[Question ID = 7505]
1. Was discovered in America
[Option ID = 30014]
2. Consists of many social gradations
[Option ID = 30015]
3. Was born out of feudal society
[Option ID = 30016]
4. Originated in the colonies
[Option ID = 30017]
Correct Answer :
Was born out of feudal society
[Option ID = 30016]
3) Answer the question
The history of all hitherto existing societies is the history of class struggles.
Freeman and slave, patrician and plebeian, lord and serf, guildmaster and journeyman, in a word, oppressor and
oppressed, stood in constant opposition to one another, carried on an uninterrupted, now hidden, now open fight, a fight
that each time ended, either in a revolutionary reconstitution of society at large, or in the common ruin of the contending
classes.
In the earlier epochs of history, we find almost everywhere a complicated arrangement of society into various orders, a
manifold gradation of social rank. In ancient Rome we have patricians, knights, plebeians, slaves; in the Middle Ages, feudal
lords, vassals, guildmasters, journeymen, apprentices, serfs; in almost all of these classes, again, subordinate gradations.
The modern bourgeois society that has sprouted from the ruins of feudal society has not done away with class antagonisms.
It has but established new classes, new conditions of oppression, new forms of struggle in place of the old ones. Our epoch,
the epoch of the bourgeoisie, possesses, however, this distinctive feature: it has simplified the class antagonisms: Society as
a whole is more and more splitting up into two great hostile camps, into two great classes, directly facing each other:
Bourgeoisie and Proletariat.
From the serfs of the Middle Ages sprang the chartered burghers of the earliest towns. From these burgesses the first
elements of the bourgeoisie were developed.
The discovery of America, the rounding of the Cape, opened up fresh ground for the rising bourgeoisie. The EastIndian and
Chinese markets, the colonisation of America, trade with the colonies, the increase in the means of exchange and in
commodities generally, gave to commerce, to navigation, to industry, an impulse never before known, and thereby, to the
revolutionary element in the tottering feudal society, a rapid development.
The feudal system of industry, under which industrial production was monopolised by closed guilds, now no longer sufficed
for the growing wants of the new markets. The manufacturing system took its place. The guildmasters were pushed on one
side by the manufacturing middle class; division of labour between the different corporate guilds vanished in the face of
division of labour in each single workshop.
Meantime the markets kept ever growing, the demand ever rising. Even manufacture no longer sufficed. Thereupon, steam
and machinery revolutionised industrial production. The place of manufacture was taken by the giant, Modern Industry, the
place of the industrial middle class, by industrial millionaires, the leaders of whole industrial armies, the modern bourgeois.
(The Communist Manifesto Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels. (1848) [1888 edition]. Pp 12.)
In the light of this passage, the feudal system was replaced by
[Question ID = 7506]
1. By corporate guilds
[Option ID = 30018]
2. By workshops
[Option ID = 30019]
3. By serfs
[Option ID = 30020]
4. By slave labour
[Option ID = 30021]
Correct Answer :
By workshops
[Option ID = 30019]
4) Answer the question
The history of all hitherto existing societies is the history of class struggles.
Freeman and slave, patrician and plebeian, lord and serf, guildmaster and journeyman, in a word, oppressor and
oppressed, stood in constant opposition to one another, carried on an uninterrupted, now hidden, now open fight, a fight
that each time ended, either in a revolutionary reconstitution of society at large, or in the common ruin of the contending
classes.
In the earlier epochs of history, we find almost everywhere a complicated arrangement of society into various orders, a
manifold gradation of social rank. In ancient Rome we have patricians, knights, plebeians, slaves; in the Middle Ages, feudal
lords, vassals, guildmasters, journeymen, apprentices, serfs; in almost all of these classes, again, subordinate gradations.
The modern bourgeois society that has sprouted from the ruins of feudal society has not done away with class antagonisms.
It has but established new classes, new conditions of oppression, new forms of struggle in place of the old ones. Our epoch,
the epoch of the bourgeoisie, possesses, however, this distinctive feature: it has simplified the class antagonisms: Society as
a whole is more and more splitting up into two great hostile camps, into two great classes, directly facing each other:
Bourgeoisie and Proletariat.
From the serfs of the Middle Ages sprang the chartered burghers of the earliest towns. From these burgesses the first
elements of the bourgeoisie were developed.
The discovery of America, the rounding of the Cape, opened up fresh ground for the rising bourgeoisie. The EastIndian and
Chinese markets, the colonisation of America, trade with the colonies, the increase in the means of exchange and in
commodities generally, gave to commerce, to navigation, to industry, an impulse never before known, and thereby, to the
revolutionary element in the tottering feudal society, a rapid development.
The feudal system of industry, under which industrial production was monopolised by closed guilds, now no longer sufficed
for the growing wants of the new markets. The manufacturing system took its place. The guildmasters were pushed on one
side by the manufacturing middle class; division of labour between the different corporate guilds vanished in the face of
division of labour in each single workshop.
Meantime the markets kept ever growing, the demand ever rising. Even manufacture no longer sufficed. Thereupon, steam
and machinery revolutionised industrial production. The place of manufacture was taken by the giant, Modern Industry, the
place of the industrial middle class, by industrial millionaires, the leaders of whole industrial armies, the modern bourgeois.
(The Communist Manifesto Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels. (1848) [1888 edition]. Pp 12.)
The reference to the `revolutionary element in a tottering feudal society' implies
[Question ID = 7507]
1. That methods of production were being revolutionized
[Option ID = 30022]
2. That the communist revolution will happen
[Option ID = 30023]
3. That feudal society will emerge stronger
[Option ID = 30024]
4. That social divisions will disappear
[Option ID = 30025]
Correct Answer :
That methods of production were being revolutionized
[Option ID = 30022]
5) Answer the question
The history of all hitherto existing societies is the history of class struggles.
Freeman and slave, patrician and plebeian, lord and serf, guildmaster and journeyman, in a word, oppressor and
oppressed, stood in constant opposition to one another, carried on an uninterrupted, now hidden, now open fight, a fight
that each time ended, either in a revolutionary reconstitution of society at large, or in the common ruin of the contending
classes.
In the earlier epochs of history, we find almost everywhere a complicated arrangement of society into various orders, a
manifold gradation of social rank. In ancient Rome we have patricians, knights, plebeians, slaves; in the Middle Ages, feudal
lords, vassals, guildmasters, journeymen, apprentices, serfs; in almost all of these classes, again, subordinate gradations.
The modern bourgeois society that has sprouted from the ruins of feudal society has not done away with class antagonisms.
It has but established new classes, new conditions of oppression, new forms of struggle in place of the old ones. Our epoch,
the epoch of the bourgeoisie, possesses, however, this distinctive feature: it has simplified the class antagonisms: Society as
a whole is more and more splitting up into two great hostile camps, into two great classes, directly facing each other:
Bourgeoisie and Proletariat.
From the serfs of the Middle Ages sprang the chartered burghers of the earliest towns. From these burgesses the first
elements of the bourgeoisie were developed.
The discovery of America, the rounding of the Cape, opened up fresh ground for the rising bourgeoisie. The EastIndian and
Chinese markets, the colonisation of America, trade with the colonies, the increase in the means of exchange and in
commodities generally, gave to commerce, to navigation, to industry, an impulse never before known, and thereby, to the
revolutionary element in the tottering feudal society, a rapid development.
The feudal system of industry, under which industrial production was monopolised by closed guilds, now no longer sufficed
for the growing wants of the new markets. The manufacturing system took its place. The guildmasters were pushed on one
side by the manufacturing middle class; division of labour between the different corporate guilds vanished in the face of
division of labour in each single workshop.
Meantime the markets kept ever growing, the demand ever rising. Even manufacture no longer sufficed. Thereupon, steam
and machinery revolutionised industrial production. The place of manufacture was taken by the giant, Modern Industry, the
place of the industrial middle class, by industrial millionaires, the leaders of whole industrial armies, the modern bourgeois.
(The Communist Manifesto Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels. (1848) [1888 edition]. Pp 12.)
In an overarching view, this passage suggests that the industrial epoch
[Question ID = 7508]
1. Generates an army
[Option ID = 30026]
2. Generates steam
[Option ID = 30027]
3. Generates burghers
[Option ID = 30028]
4. Generates the bourgeoisie and proletariat
[Option ID = 30029]
Correct Answer :
Generates the bourgeoisie and proletariat
[Option ID = 30029]
Topic: SOCIO MPHIL S2 P9
1) Answer the question
Gradually, very gradually, we discerned shape and contours among the sprawl. Our topics of study objectivity, but also
the atlas of scientific images ? overflowed the usual boundaries that organize the history of science, straddling periods and
disciplines. The history of objectivity and its alternatives, moreover, contradicted the structure of most narratives about
the development of the sciences. Ours turns out to be less a story of rupture than one of reconfiguration. We nonetheless
came to believe that the history of objectivity had its own coherence and rhythm, as well as its own distinctive patterns of
explanation. At its heart were ways of seeing that were at once social, epistemological and ethical: collectively learned,
they did not owe their existence to any individual, to any laboratory or even to any discipline.
We came to understand this image history of objectivity as an account of kinds of sight. Atlases had implications for who
the scientist aspired to be, for how knowledge was most securely acquired, and for what kinds of things there were in the
world. To embrace objectivity ? or one of its alternatives ? was not only to practice a science but also to pattern a self.
Objectivity came to seem at once stranger ? more specific, less obvious, more recently historical ? and deeper, etched into
the very act of scientific seeing, than we had ever suspected.
(From Objectivity by Lorraine Daston and Peter Galison. 2010: 10 New York: Zone Books).
The authors argue that ways of seeing are
[Question ID = 7510]
1. Dependent on individual notions of sight
[Option ID = 30034]
2. Dependent on single disciplines
[Option ID = 30035]
3. Are arbitrary
[Option ID = 30036]
4. Shared within a group
[Option ID = 30037]
Correct Answer :
Shared within a group
[Option ID = 30037]
2) Answer the question
Gradually, very gradually, we discerned shape and contours among the sprawl. Our topics of study objectivity, but also
the atlas of scientific images ? overflowed the usual boundaries that organize the history of science, straddling periods and
disciplines. The history of objectivity and its alternatives, moreover, contradicted the structure of most narratives about
the development of the sciences. Ours turns out to be less a story of rupture than one of reconfiguration. We nonetheless
came to believe that the history of objectivity had its own coherence and rhythm, as well as its own distinctive patterns of
explanation. At its heart were ways of seeing that were at once social, epistemological and ethical: collectively learned,
they did not owe their existence to any individual, to any laboratory or even to any discipline.
We came to understand this image history of objectivity as an account of kinds of sight. Atlases had implications for who
the scientist aspired to be, for how knowledge was most securely acquired, and for what kinds of things there were in the
world. To embrace objectivity ? or one of its alternatives ? was not only to practice a science but also to pattern a self.
Objectivity came to seem at once stranger ? more specific, less obvious, more recently historical ? and deeper, etched into
the very act of scientific seeing, than we had ever suspected.
(From Objectivity by Lorraine Daston and Peter Galison. 2010: 10 New York: Zone Books).
The core of this passage claims that
[Question ID = 7511]
1. Objectivity is strange
[Option ID = 30038]
2. Objectivity is suspect
[Option ID = 30039]
3. Objectivity is historically grounded
[Option ID = 30040]
4. Objectivity is acquired with great difficulty
[Option ID = 30041]
Correct Answer :
Objectivity is historically grounded
[Option ID = 30040]
3) Answer the question
Gradually, very gradually, we discerned shape and contours among the sprawl. Our topics of study objectivity, but also
the atlas of scientific images ? overflowed the usual boundaries that organize the history of science, straddling periods and
disciplines. The history of objectivity and its alternatives, moreover, contradicted the structure of most narratives about
the development of the sciences. Ours turns out to be less a story of rupture than one of reconfiguration. We nonetheless
came to believe that the history of objectivity had its own coherence and rhythm, as well as its own distinctive patterns of
explanation. At its heart were ways of seeing that were at once social, epistemological and ethical: collectively learned,
they did not owe their existence to any individual, to any laboratory or even to any discipline.
We came to understand this image history of objectivity as an account of kinds of sight. Atlases had implications for who
the scientist aspired to be, for how knowledge was most securely acquired, and for what kinds of things there were in the
world. To embrace objectivity ? or one of its alternatives ? was not only to practice a science but also to pattern a self.
Objectivity came to seem at once stranger ? more specific, less obvious, more recently historical ? and deeper, etched into
the very act of scientific seeing, than we had ever suspected.
(From Objectivity by Lorraine Daston and Peter Galison. 2010: 10 New York: Zone Books).
In this account, scientific practice and the scientific object
[Question ID = 7512]
1. Coevolve
[Option ID = 30042]
2. Contradict one another
[Option ID = 30043]
3. Are unconnected
[Option ID = 30044]
4. Are laboratory matters
[Option ID = 30045]
Correct Answer :
Coevolve
[Option ID = 30042]
4) Answer the question
Gradually, very gradually, we discerned shape and contours among the sprawl. Our topics of study objectivity, but also
the atlas of scientific images ? overflowed the usual boundaries that organize the history of science, straddling periods and
disciplines. The history of objectivity and its alternatives, moreover, contradicted the structure of most narratives about
the development of the sciences. Ours turns out to be less a story of rupture than one of reconfiguration. We nonetheless
came to believe that the history of objectivity had its own coherence and rhythm, as well as its own distinctive patterns of
explanation. At its heart were ways of seeing that were at once social, epistemological and ethical: collectively learned,
they did not owe their existence to any individual, to any laboratory or even to any discipline.
We came to understand this image history of objectivity as an account of kinds of sight. Atlases had implications for who
the scientist aspired to be, for how knowledge was most securely acquired, and for what kinds of things there were in the
world. To embrace objectivity ? or one of its alternatives ? was not only to practice a science but also to pattern a self.
Objectivity came to seem at once stranger ? more specific, less obvious, more recently historical ? and deeper, etched into
the very act of scientific seeing, than we had ever suspected.
(From Objectivity by Lorraine Daston and Peter Galison. 2010: 10 New York: Zone Books).
The authors study objectivity as a
[Question ID = 7513]
1. (1) History of the self
[Option ID = 30046]
2. (2) History of images
[Option ID = 30047]
3. (3) Both 1 and 2
[Option ID = 30048]
4. (4) None of these
[Option ID = 30049]
Correct Answer :
(3) Both 1 and 2
[Option ID = 30048]
5) Answer the question
Gradually, very gradually, we discerned shape and contours among the sprawl. Our topics of study objectivity, but also
the atlas of scientific images ? overflowed the usual boundaries that organize the history of science, straddling periods and
disciplines. The history of objectivity and its alternatives, moreover, contradicted the structure of most narratives about
the development of the sciences. Ours turns out to be less a story of rupture than one of reconfiguration. We nonetheless
came to believe that the history of objectivity had its own coherence and rhythm, as well as its own distinctive patterns of
explanation. At its heart were ways of seeing that were at once social, epistemological and ethical: collectively learned,
they did not owe their existence to any individual, to any laboratory or even to any discipline.
We came to understand this image history of objectivity as an account of kinds of sight. Atlases had implications for who
the scientist aspired to be, for how knowledge was most securely acquired, and for what kinds of things there were in the
world. To embrace objectivity ? or one of its alternatives ? was not only to practice a science but also to pattern a self.
Objectivity came to seem at once stranger ? more specific, less obvious, more recently historical ? and deeper, etched into
the very act of scientific seeing, than we had ever suspected.
(From Objectivity by Lorraine Daston and Peter Galison. 2010: 10 New York: Zone Books).
Based on the passage, do you think that the authors
[Question ID = 7514]
1. Discovered new truths about objectivity
[Option ID = 30050]
2. Realized that objectivity was the converse of subjectivity
[Option ID = 30051]
3. Conceptualized objectivity as an everyday practice
[Option ID = 30052]
4. Equated sight and insight
[Option ID = 30053]
Correct Answer :
Discovered new truths about objectivity
[Option ID = 30050]
Topic: SOCIO MPHIL S2 P10
1) Answer the question
It is over two decades since the first formulation of the concept of 'food regime', by Harriet Friedmann (1987). This notion
stemmed from previous research on the postWorld War II international food order, in which Friedmann (1982) charted the
rise and demise of the US food aid program, as a geopolitical weapon in the Cold War. Following this, a more systematic
formulation by Friedmann and McMichael (1989) appeared in the European journal, Sociologia Ruralis. Since then, the food
regime concept paper has been reprinted and translated, debated, and informed research and teaching in sociology,
geography, political science and anthropology. The 'food regime' concept historicist the global food system: problematizing
linear representations of agricultural modernisation, underlining the pivotal role of food in global politicaleconomy, and
conceptualising key historical contradictions in particular food regimes that produce crisis, transformation and transition. In
this sense, food regime analysis brings a structured perspective to the understanding of agriculture and food's role in capital
accumulation across time and space. In specifying patterns of circulation of food in the world economy it underlines the
agrofood dimension of geopolitics, but makes no claim to comprehensive treatment of different agricultures across the
world. Its examination of the politics of food within stable and transitional periods of capital accumulation is therefore quite
focused, but nevertheless strategic. It complements a range of accounts of global political economy that focus,
conventionally, on industrial and technological power relations as vehicles of development and/or supremacy. It is also
complimented by commodity chain analyses, dependency analyses, and fair trade studies that focus on particular food
relationships in international trade. And, finally, there are studies of agriculture and food that focus on case studies,
questions of hunger, technology, cultural economy, social movements, and agribusiness that inform dimensions of food
regime analysis, once positioned historically within geopolitical relations. The difference made by food regime analysis is
that it prioritises the ways in which forms of capital accumulation in agriculture constitute global power arrangements, as
expressed through patterns of circulation of food.
McMichael, Philip. 2009. A food regime genealogy. The Journal of Peasant Studies 36 (1): 13969.
What does the passage reveal about Harriet Friedmann's 1982 analysis?
[Question ID = 7516]
1. It is used as a teaching and research resource across disciplines, and is pathbreaking.
[Option ID = 30058]
2. It contained the seeds of the concept of food regime.
[Option ID = 30059]
3. It used the US food aid program to study geopolitics in the Cold War.
[Option ID = 30060]
4. All of these
[Option ID = 30061]
Correct Answer :
It contained the seeds of the concept of food regime.
[Option ID = 30059]
2) Answer the question
It is over two decades since the first formulation of the concept of 'food regime', by Harriet Friedmann (1987). This notion
stemmed from previous research on the postWorld War II international food order, in which Friedmann (1982) charted the
rise and demise of the US food aid program, as a geopolitical weapon in the Cold War. Following this, a more systematic
formulation by Friedmann and McMichael (1989) appeared in the European journal, Sociologia Ruralis. Since then, the food
regime concept paper has been reprinted and translated, debated, and informed research and teaching in sociology,
geography, political science and anthropology. The 'food regime' concept historicist the global food system: problematizing
linear representations of agricultural modernisation, underlining the pivotal role of food in global politicaleconomy, and
conceptualising key historical contradictions in particular food regimes that produce crisis, transformation and transition. In
this sense, food regime analysis brings a structured perspective to the understanding of agriculture and food's role in capital
accumulation across time and space. In specifying patterns of circulation of food in the world economy it underlines the
agrofood dimension of geopolitics, but makes no claim to comprehensive treatment of different agricultures across the
world. Its examination of the politics of food within stable and transitional periods of capital accumulation is therefore quite
focused, but nevertheless strategic. It complements a range of accounts of global political economy that focus,
conventionally, on industrial and technological power relations as vehicles of development and/or supremacy. It is also
complimented by commodity chain analyses, dependency analyses, and fair trade studies that focus on particular food
relationships in international trade. And, finally, there are studies of agriculture and food that focus on case studies,
questions of hunger, technology, cultural economy, social movements, and agribusiness that inform dimensions of food
regime analysis, once positioned historically within geopolitical relations. The difference made by food regime analysis is
that it prioritises the ways in which forms of capital accumulation in agriculture constitute global power arrangements, as
expressed through patterns of circulation of food.
McMichael, Philip. 2009. A food regime genealogy. The Journal of Peasant Studies 36 (1): 13969.
Which of the following assertions would the author of the passage agree with?
[Question ID = 7517]
1. (1) Food regime analysis is of little value to the study of the Green Revolution in India because it is country specific.
[Option ID = 30062]
2. (2) Food regime analysis is of little value to the study of agriculture in contemporary India because the Cold War is no longer a context.
[Option ID = 30063]
3. (3) Both 1 and 2
[Option ID = 30064]
4. (4) Neither 1 nor 2
[Option ID = 30065]
Correct Answer :
(4) Neither 1 nor 2
[Option ID = 30065]
3) Answer the question
It is over two decades since the first formulation of the concept of 'food regime', by Harriet Friedmann (1987). This notion
stemmed from previous research on the postWorld War II international food order, in which Friedmann (1982) charted the
rise and demise of the US food aid program, as a geopolitical weapon in the Cold War. Following this, a more systematic
formulation by Friedmann and McMichael (1989) appeared in the European journal, Sociologia Ruralis. Since then, the food
regime concept paper has been reprinted and translated, debated, and informed research and teaching in sociology,
geography, political science and anthropology. The 'food regime' concept historicist the global food system: problematizing
linear representations of agricultural modernisation, underlining the pivotal role of food in global politicaleconomy, and
conceptualising key historical contradictions in particular food regimes that produce crisis, transformation and transition. In
this sense, food regime analysis brings a structured perspective to the understanding of agriculture and food's role in capital
accumulation across time and space. In specifying patterns of circulation of food in the world economy it underlines the
agrofood dimension of geopolitics, but makes no claim to comprehensive treatment of different agricultures across the
world. Its examination of the politics of food within stable and transitional periods of capital accumulation is therefore quite
focused, but nevertheless strategic. It complements a range of accounts of global political economy that focus,
conventionally, on industrial and technological power relations as vehicles of development and/or supremacy. It is also
complimented by commodity chain analyses, dependency analyses, and fair trade studies that focus on particular food
relationships in international trade. And, finally, there are studies of agriculture and food that focus on case studies,
questions of hunger, technology, cultural economy, social movements, and agribusiness that inform dimensions of food
regime analysis, once positioned historically within geopolitical relations. The difference made by food regime analysis is
that it prioritises the ways in which forms of capital accumulation in agriculture constitute global power arrangements, as
expressed through patterns of circulation of food.
McMichael, Philip. 2009. A food regime genealogy. The Journal of Peasant Studies 36 (1): 13969.
Which of the following statements is most likely to be made in food regime analysis as outlined in the above passage?
[Question ID = 7518]
1. Agrofood dimensions have been more relevant than industrial and technological dimensions to postWorld War II geopolitics.
[Option ID = 30066]
2. Agriculture lead to crisis and transition while industry and technology lead to development and supremacy.
[Option ID = 30067]
3. Linear representations are not possible for agriculture while possible for industry.
[Option ID = 30068]
4. None of these
[Option ID = 30069]
Correct Answer :
None of these
[Option ID = 30069]
4) Answer the question
It is over two decades since the first formulation of the concept of 'food regime', by Harriet Friedmann (1987). This notion
stemmed from previous research on the postWorld War II international food order, in which Friedmann (1982) charted the
rise and demise of the US food aid program, as a geopolitical weapon in the Cold War. Following this, a more systematic
formulation by Friedmann and McMichael (1989) appeared in the European journal, Sociologia Ruralis. Since then, the food
regime concept paper has been reprinted and translated, debated, and informed research and teaching in sociology,
geography, political science and anthropology. The 'food regime' concept historicist the global food system: problematizing
linear representations of agricultural modernisation, underlining the pivotal role of food in global politicaleconomy, and
conceptualising key historical contradictions in particular food regimes that produce crisis, transformation and transition. In
this sense, food regime analysis brings a structured perspective to the understanding of agriculture and food's role in capital
accumulation across time and space. In specifying patterns of circulation of food in the world economy it underlines the
agrofood dimension of geopolitics, but makes no claim to comprehensive treatment of different agricultures across the
world. Its examination of the politics of food within stable and transitional periods of capital accumulation is therefore quite
focused, but nevertheless strategic. It complements a range of accounts of global political economy that focus,
conventionally, on industrial and technological power relations as vehicles of development and/or supremacy. It is also
complimented by commodity chain analyses, dependency analyses, and fair trade studies that focus on particular food
relationships in international trade. And, finally, there are studies of agriculture and food that focus on case studies,
questions of hunger, technology, cultural economy, social movements, and agribusiness that inform dimensions of food
regime analysis, once positioned historically within geopolitical relations. The difference made by food regime analysis is
that it prioritises the ways in which forms of capital accumulation in agriculture constitute global power arrangements, as
expressed through patterns of circulation of food.
McMichael, Philip. 2009. A food regime genealogy. The Journal of Peasant Studies 36 (1): 13969.
Which of the following stem from a food regime analysis approach?
[Question ID = 7519]
1. (1) The US is able to create a global market for its surplus soya produce because of its hegemonic position in global political economy.
[Option ID = 30070]
2. (2) The global pattern in the circulation of edible soy products is a reflection of geopolitical relations.
[Option ID = 30071]
3. (3) Neither 1 nor 2.
[Option ID = 30072]
4. (4) Both 1 and 2
[Option ID = 30073]
Correct Answer :
(3) Neither 1 nor 2.
[Option ID = 30072]
5) Answer the question
It is over two decades since the first formulation of the concept of 'food regime', by Harriet Friedmann (1987). This notion
stemmed from previous research on the postWorld War II international food order, in which Friedmann (1982) charted the
rise and demise of the US food aid program, as a geopolitical weapon in the Cold War. Following this, a more systematic
formulation by Friedmann and McMichael (1989) appeared in the European journal, Sociologia Ruralis. Since then, the food
regime concept paper has been reprinted and translated, debated, and informed research and teaching in sociology,
geography, political science and anthropology. The 'food regime' concept historicist the global food system: problematizing
linear representations of agricultural modernisation, underlining the pivotal role of food in global politicaleconomy, and
conceptualising key historical contradictions in particular food regimes that produce crisis, transformation and transition. In
this sense, food regime analysis brings a structured perspective to the understanding of agriculture and food's role in capital
accumulation across time and space. In specifying patterns of circulation of food in the world economy it underlines the
agrofood dimension of geopolitics, but makes no claim to comprehensive treatment of different agricultures across the
world. Its examination of the politics of food within stable and transitional periods of capital accumulation is therefore quite
focused, but nevertheless strategic. It complements a range of accounts of global political economy that focus,
conventionally, on industrial and technological power relations as vehicles of development and/or supremacy. It is also
complimented by commodity chain analyses, dependency analyses, and fair trade studies that focus on particular food
relationships in international trade. And, finally, there are studies of agriculture and food that focus on case studies,
questions of hunger, technology, cultural economy, social movements, and agribusiness that inform dimensions of food
regime analysis, once positioned historically within geopolitical relations. The difference made by food regime analysis is
that it prioritises the ways in which forms of capital accumulation in agriculture constitute global power arrangements, as
expressed through patterns of circulation of food.
McMichael, Philip. 2009. A food regime genealogy. The Journal of Peasant Studies 36 (1): 13969.
According to the passage, what distinguishes food regime analysis from other studies of agriculture is the likelihood of the
former to conclude that:
[Question ID = 7520]
1. The stability of each food regime is upset by a crisis of capital accumulation.
[Option ID = 30074]
2. Capital accumulation in agriculture is driven by the stability of food regimes.
[Option ID = 30075]
3. Capital accumulation in agriculture is a result of geopolitical relations.
[Option ID = 30076]
4. None of these
[Option ID = 30077]
Correct Answer :
None of these
[Option ID = 30077]
This post was last modified on 27 December 2020